Silent Accomplce: The Untold Story of France’s Role in the Rwandan Genocide 
  On Sat Nov 25, 2006 08:59 PM
    
  Blood on their hands
Reviewed by RW Johnson 

SILENT ACCOMPLICE: The Untold Story of France’s Role in the Rwandan Genocide 

by Andrew Wallis 
The Sunday Times

France has recently infuriated Turkey by making it illegal to deny the Turkish 
massacre of the Armenians in 1915. But if Turkey is in denial, so is France, 
which bears a central responsibility for the 1994 genocide of 937,000 Tutsis in 
Rwanda. On occasion, as he tells this terrible story, Andrew Wallis’s 
indignation gets the better of him, causing him to lapse into heavy-handed 
infelicities. These do not, however, weaken the power of what he has to say. 

For those unfamiliar with French policy in Africa, it may seem almost 
incredible how far it is still driven by imperial rivalry with Britain and a 
sort of bitter fury at the triumph of les Anglo-Saxons, producing a defensive 
rallying of Françafrique, and roping into it Rwanda and Zaire, abandoned by the 
Belgians. Such attitudes are by no means confined to Gaullists — it was 
François Mitterrand who, as minister of justice in 1957, explained French 
problems with its West African colonies: “It is British agents who have made 
all our difficulties.” So while Charles de Gaulle first welcomed Rwanda into 
Franç-afrique, blithely ignoring the massacre of Tutsis carried out by 
President Gregoire Kayibanda in 1963, so Mitterrand as president adopted 
exactly the same attitude to President Juvenal Habyarimana, who had deposed 
(and killed) Kayibanda in 1973. Habyarimana became his personal friend, and 
Habyarimana’s wife, Agathe, a sort of African Imelda Marcos, became a constant 
visitor
 to his household and close friend of the first lady, Danielle. Agathe is the 
founder of the extremist Hutu society, Akazu, whose network (le clan de madame) 
is credited with much of the responsibility for the genocide. Its power is 
still greatly feared today. 

After the earlier massacres, many Tutsis had fled into Uganda where, under Paul 
Kagame, they fought alongside Yoweri Museveni against Idi Amin and Milton 
Obote. When Museveni won, Kagame led the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) back 
into Rwanda in 1990. It was immediately clear that the RPF was fully a match 
for the Rwandan army (FAR), and French troops were promptly dispatched to prop 
up Habyarimana — for Kagame was Anglophone and American-educated. The French 
insisted that Kagame was a CIA agent, that the RPF was really just the Ugandan 
army, and that the plan was to evict France’s client and instal an Anglophone 
regime instead. Their opposition to such an outcome was such that they were 
willing to encourage their Hutu protégés to do anything, including genocide, to 
stop it. Two Frenchmen in succession were put in as the effective heads of FAR 
and, blithely ignoring EU directives about “ethical” arms sales, they arranged 
huge supplies of arms for the Hutu regime, much of it
 routed through Egypt with the help of their ally in the Cairo foreign office, 
Boutros Boutros-Ghali. It was an even greater coup when, in 1991, Mitterrand 
was able to push in Boutros-Ghali as UN secretary-general. 

By this time, the first massacres of Tutsis had begun, and a furious Kagame 
flew to Paris where Paul Dijoud, African affairs director at the Quai d’Orsay, 
seems to have threatened that, if he did not withdraw the RPF, “you will not 
see your brothers and your family again, because they will all have been 
massacred”. In fact, Wallis produces plentiful evidence that some French 
officers were training the Hutus how to capture and tie up prisoners, how to 
slit their bellies so that their bodies wouldn’t float and in general preaching 
that “if you let them (Tutsis) carry on producing children . . . you’ll never 
be done with them”. And it seems there are many eyewitnesses of French troops 
assisting at torture sessions and catching Tutsis and handing them over to 
Hutus who hacked them to death before their eyes. 

These early massacres were as nothing compared to the all-out genocide launched 
upon Habyarimana’s death in April 1994. The new government, with key 
genocidaires, was, it appears, formed by the French ambassador at a meeting in 
the French embassy. The man the French had put in charge, Colonel Théoneste 
Bagosora, apparently made no secret of his plans: “I have come back to declare 
the apocalypse,” he said. The French, well aware of what was about to happen, 
then got out. The calculation was that any peace deal would mean a 
power-sharing agreement with Kagame — which was anathema. Better let the Hutus 
continue the genocide to completion if that allowed them to stay in power, but 
in that case France, having armed, trained and encouraged its protégés towards 
such an outcome, had to get clear of the carnage. As the evidence of the 
holocaust thus unleashed became overwhelming Bruno Delaye, the Elysée’s Africa 
boss, is reputed to have said that “that’s the way Africans are”. When
 asked how he could have entertained genocidaires in his office, he seems to 
have replied that he’d had 400 assassins and 2,000 drug dealers through his 
doors: “You can’t deal with Africa without getting your hands dirty.” 
Mitterrand shrugged off the killings with “Dans ces pays-la, un genocide ce 
n’est pas trop important” and cynically concocted the notion of a “double 
genocide”, ie that the Tutsis were just as guilty, which was rather like saying 
the Jews and the Nazis were as bad as one another. When the surrounding states 
tried to hold an emergency meeting on the situation in Tanzania, Paris angrily 
torpedoed it: “We can’t let Anglophone countries decide on the future of a 
Francophone one.” 

And so it continued to its dreadful end. Ultimately, Kagame and the RPF won and 
the French sent troops in to get their Hutu protégés into Zaire where they 
could reform and rearm for a fight that has thus far cost 4m lives. Mitterrand 
angrily refused to invite Kagame’s Rwanda to his last Françafrique summit and 
made sure the genocide was not even discussed. Several genocidaires still live 
happily in France where a parliamentary inquiry, headed by one of Mitterrand’s 
former ministers, is accused of whitewashing the whole operation. Jacques 
Chirac and Dominique de Villepin have wholly backed this all up, for the French 
elite are as one in wishing to continue to celebrate France as the home of 
democracy and human rights. 




                 Sharangabo Rufagari 
 
 


 
 
 
 
 
                                                









                
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