Even Free Speech violations about time, place and manner get intermediate
(heightened) scrutiny.  My reading of Smith suggest Free Exercise claims do
not.


On Wed, Dec 18, 2013 at 8:08 AM, Paul Horwitz <phorw...@hotmail.com> wrote:

> I don't think it becomes the equivalent of the Ninth Amendment, or a
> shell, without heightened scrutiny as a freestanding principle. And I say
> that as a fan of the pre-Smith regime. Rather, it becomes an
> equality/speech provision, like the rest of the modern First Amendment. I
> am by no means a fan of that tendency. But it still leaves the clause as
> something, not nothing.
>
> On Dec 18, 2013, at 9:01 AM, "Michael Worley" <mwor...@byulaw.net> wrote:
>
> And yet, without some form of heightened scrutiny, the free exercise
> clause becomes a shell-- a hollow clause.  I'm not saying RFRA gets the
> balancing right (I could make that argument, but I'm not), I'm saying that
> we have to let judges do this balancing in some way.  Otherwise the Free
> Exercise Clause will become as important as the Ninth Amendment is to
> contemporary jurisprudence.  And *Employment Division*'s principles apply
> to churches, not just the litigants in this set of cases.
>
> There are plenty of 14th Amendment cases (think *Brown *and subsequent
> busing cases in lower courts) where judges have acted as
> "super-legislatures." Why?  To protect rights!
>
> Michael
>
>
> On Wed, Dec 18, 2013 at 3:46 AM, Marci Hamilton <hamilto...@aol.com>wrote:
>
>> This exchange, which shows both Marty and Eugene's high qualifications
>> for public service, underscores how RFRA (and RLUIPA) turn federal courts
>> into super legislatures and violate the separation of powers -- as Boerne
>> ruled.  No court in my view is institutionally competent to make these
>> assessments and no judge, who is unaccountable to the electorate, should.
>>
>> Marci
>>
>> Marci A. Hamilton
>> Verkuil Chair in Public Law
>> Benjamin N. Cardozo Law School
>> Yeshiva University
>> @Marci_Hamilton
>>
>>
>>
>> On Dec 17, 2013, at 9:10 PM, "Volokh, Eugene" <vol...@law.ucla.edu>
>> wrote:
>>
>> The heart of Marty’s argument (I focus for now on item 1 below) is, I
>> think, an empirical claim:  Large employers such as Hobby Lobby would be
>> better off just dropping coverage, paying the $2000/employee/year tax,
>> “us[ing] some of [the] enormous cost savings” to compensate employees for
>> the lost coverage, thus keeping the employees happy, and then pocketing the
>> rest of the “enormous cost savings.”  (Indeed, if employees grumble over
>> the inconvenience or just the change, the employers can split some of the
>> rest of the enormous cost savings with the employees -- a win-win
>> proposition for employers and employees.)  And, if Marty is right, this
>> would be true for employers generally, *not* just religious employers.
>> We should thus expect a large fraction of savvy employers to take advantage
>> of this option, purely out of respect for Mammon quite regardless of God.
>>
>>
>>
>> But I wonder whether this is empirically likely to be true, given not
>> just the nondeductibility of the tax, but also other factors, such as
>> payroll taxes on the compensation payment to the employees.  It’s not
>> surprising that the Justice Department hasn’t made this argument, since the
>> Administration has long argued (unless I’m mistaken) that large employers
>> *won’t* drop employer-based health insurance.  And the Congressional
>> Budget Office,
>> http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/cbofiles/ftpdocs/121xx/doc12119/03-30-healthcarelegislation.pdf,
>> likewise took the view that only a tiny percentage of employers would drop
>> their health insurance, because “the legislation leaves in place
>> substantial financial advantages for many people to receive insurance
>> coverage through their employers, and it provides some new incentives for
>> employers to offer insurance coverage to their employees.”
>>
>>
>>
>> Now of course that was in 2011, and perhaps the analysis today would be
>> different.  But the CBO’s estimates still give me pause.  And if the CBO is
>> right, and large employers generally would lose financially -- rather than
>> gain from capturing some of the “enormous cost savings” -- by dropping
>> health insurance and adequately compensating employees, then I would think
>> Hobby Lobby and others would be in the same position.  The mandate, even
>> enforced as a tax, thus would be a substantial burden.
>>
>>
>>
>> Am I mistaken in this?  Marty, do you have any pointers to studies that
>> support your sense of the money flows on this, and contradict what I see as
>> the CBO’s view?
>>
>>
>>
>> Eugene
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> Marty writes:
>>
>>
>>
>> 1.  On your first point, even if the 4980H(a) tax were the equivalent of
>> a $3000 assessment (because it's paid with after-tax dollars), the average
>> cost for providing health insurance to employees is, as I understand it,
>> closer to $10,000, so the employer would save about $7000 per employee.
>> (In any event, there are no allegations in these cases that HL or CW is
>> significantly differently situated than a typical employer, e.g., that they
>> have a workforce comprised of almost all single employees with no family
>> coverage.)
>>
>>
>> In order to remain competitive for recruiting or retaining most of their
>> employees, the plaintiffs wouldn't have to kick in any extra money in
>> salary, because the employees would have their exchange-purchased plans
>> subsidized by the federal government (both in terms of the cost-savings
>> realized by virtue of the exchanges themselves as well as the government's
>> premium tax credits and cost-sharing reductions.  To be sure, some of their
>> more well-compensated employees *might* have paid less in premiums for
>> the HL plan than they would to purchase a plan on the exchange (*maybe*-- 
>> again, there's no allegation or evidence of that here).  But to make up
>> *that* hypothetical shortfall, and attract those employees, HL need only
>> use some of its enormous cost savings to sweeten their salaries.  (This is
>> presumably what the many large employers who do not provide plans will
>> do.)
>>
>> For all these reasons, it is difficult to imagine HL or CW --or, more to
>> the point, the average large employer -- being financially *worse off*if it 
>> pays the assessment.  (And again, there's no allegation of facts that
>> would alter that conclusion here, in any event.)
>>
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>
>
>
> --
> Michael Worley
> BYU Law School, Class of 2014
>
> _______________________________________________
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-- 
Michael Worley
BYU Law School, Class of 2014
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