Ha...ha.. ya inilah orang yang tidak tahu bahwa semua pikiran manusia ADA CAP
IDEOLOGINYA!!!! Sudah berdebat bertahun-tahun masih nggak sadar bahwa
ideologinya jelas bertentangan dengan ideologi saya...Orang yang berpihak
kepada statusquo alias rezim anti-rakyat Jokowi jelas bertentangan dengan orang
yang berpihak kepada mereka yang terus menerus ditindas dan diengkuk-engkuk
oleh para penguasa/tuan tanah/kabir dan komprador. Sikap yang berbeda ini
berasal dari bedanya ideologi ... Soal pelacuran dsb di Tiongkok Mao, sebelum
jeplak, pelajari dulu bagaimana perubahan dan kehidupan di Tkk sosialis jaman
Mao. Di bawah ini cerita dan pengalaman orang Tiongkok sendiri. Bertandinglah
dengan Bai Di dalam soal pengetahuan tentang kehidupan di Tkk jaman Mao.
Interview with Bai Di
Growing Up in RevolutionaryChina
Bai Di grew upin socialist China (before capitalism was brought back after the
death of Maoin 1976) and participated in the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).
She is aco-editor of the book, Some of Us: Chinese Women Growing Up During the
Mao Eraand is the Director of Chinese and Asian Studies at Drew University.
Thefollowing interview with Bai Di was done in February 2009 by
Revolutioncorrespondent Li Onesto.
The entireinterview is posted online here, and is being serialized in print..
Li Onesto: A young person who heard you talk about yourexperiences growing up
in socialist China told me that before this they had noidea at all what it was
like during the Cultural Revolution, including what itwas like to be a woman
during that time.
Bai Di: Inmy generation, most of the women hoped to accomplish great things.
When we wereyoung, when we were teenagers, there were revolutionary ideals. We
worked forsome goals. We felt that our lives were full of meaning, not for
ourselves butfor all these larger goals of society. That is whatwe were
discussing at that moment. We were idealistic about the world that
weenvisioned. We were about15 years old when we went to the countryside, around
1972. At that pointI graduated from high school. The school was reopened after
about a year ofclosing in 1966. We spent most of the time studying Chairman
Mao’s works, andsome math, chemistry and physics. Later on we were digging
tunnels in theschool yard because of the Soviet threat of war. We were trying
to protect ourcountry.
Our class had more than athousand students and four of us, all women in our
high school, got togetherand decided to write an epic of the history of the Red
Guards. We were veryambitious at that moment, now to think about it. There were
two guys who triedto join us and we interviewed them. I remember that each of
them presentedsomething poetic written by them, and the four of us looked at
them. We decidednot to have them in this writing group because they were not
good enough. Wejust laughed at their writings because they were not up to our
standards. Wetotally rejected them. The four of us, we thought we were the
best. We wantedto record our deeds of trying to educate other people with
Chairman Mao’steachings. We organizedthe first “Chairman Mao Thought Propaganda
Team” in the school.
Li Onesto: When most people hear the term, “propagandateam,” they don’t know
what that is and/or they look at it like a negativething, like it’s about just
telling people what to think, that it goes againstcritical thinking.
Bai Di: The Mao Zedong propaganda teams in thebeginning of the Cultural
Revolution were organized by the revolutionary RedGuards so that educated
people, students, armed with all the songs and poems,could go to the
neighborhoods in the cities and later on in the countryside tospread knowledge
to the not so well educated. They tried to teach the so-called“less educated
people” about the party’s directives and Chairman Mao’s ideas.Our propaganda
team taught people revolutionary songs and read the currentevents from the
newspapers to them. We organized our school’s students to go toclean up the
neighborhoods and after that we performed dances and songs andcalled on people
to clean up the neighborhood because sanitation was veryimportant. We felt that
was part of building a greater society.
Li Onesto: How did you see that in relation to theideals that you had?
Bai Di: The idea was that we could make a change,that there were all these
opportunities. We were going to change the world; we were going tochange China.
That was the mission of my generation because we lived in a veryspecial era:
the great 1960s and 1970s. We called that moment the dawnof communism, that’s
the point. We were working to build up this great societyand we felt that
everyone in that society should have education. Because westudents could read
and we could write so we used this to try and inspire otherpeople—to teach them
to sing and teach them sections of Mao’s works. That waswhat the propaganda
teams did. Something gets lost in the translation of thisconcept to English. In
Chinese right now this phrase still refers to what isconsidered a very positive
thing. The phrase propaganda team is not a negativething, it is to let
everybody know what they need to know, the ideas of theparty’s central
committee, what they are doing. During the Cultural Revolutioneverybody needed
to know that. China at that point, it was such a largecountry, and the
government organization at each level had a propagandadepartment, you needed
this at every level. There was a lot of illiteracy. AndChairman Mao’s teachings
aren’t all very easy and they are open tointerpretation. If you change one
line, it changes the meaning. You can’t justteach the words, you have to
explain it.
Take something like whatwas called the “constantly read three articles” by Mao:
“Serve the People,”“The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains,” and “In
Memory of NormanBethune.” Look at the old story about the foolish old man—why
do we have totalk about that? That is an ancient Chinese fable that everyone
already knows.It is about an old man who called on his sons to dig away two big
mountainsthat were obstructing their way out. Others made fun of him saying it
wasimpossible for them to dig up these two huge mountains.. But the Foolish Old
Manreplied, “When I die, my sons will carry on; when they die, there will be
mygrandsons, and then their sons and grandsons, and so on to infinity.” This
resilienceimpressed the God so much that God sent down two angels, who carried
themountains away on their backs. But Chairman Mao changed it and said it was
thehard working people who moved the mountains. He said, right now, we
thecommunists, the party are like the Old Foolish Man. We will try to move all
thesethree mountains—imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism—but we
cannotdo that. So we have to impress the Chinese people; they are the God. Only
theycan move away the three mountains that are oppressing us. And we have
toentrust the people. Do you get that? So we have to move them, we have
tounderstand what we are doing. You have to explain that to people, why that
isvery important. We have to keep doing something and we have to keep
lettingpeople know what we are doing. We have to politically educate
people—that isour job. When I think back—that was our whole mission. We were so
lucky that wewere able to get the ability to write and understand things and
others didn’tunderstand that, didn’t see the connection. So that’s what we were
doing andwhen I think about it, what confidence we had.
Li Onesto: What effect did the Cultural Revolution haveon the status of women?
Bai Di: One example is what I told you before, thatyoung women changed their
names. At the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in1966 Chairman Mao would
greet the Red Guards at huge rallies in TiananmenSquare, for about eight times
I think. At one of the rallies, one girl went upto Tiananmen and put a Red
Guard armband on Mao. He asked her what her namewas. She said, Song Binbin. Mao
said, that is very Confucianist, Binbin meansprudence and modesty. And Chairman
Mao said, why be prudent, why be modest? Youshould Aiwu; you should love that
militancy in women. So she changed her namefrom Binbin to Aiwu that stood for
loving militancy, fighting. Then therestarted a trend: the girls who had
feminine names like flower or jade orwhatever, changed their names.
According to Chineseculture, your name means something. My name never had
gender connotation andthis was due to my parents. Bai is my family name; it
means cypress, like thetree. It’s a great surname in the first place. I was the
first born and myparents were very progressive at that moment in the 1950s.
They were checkingout the dictionary to get a name. My father grew up in the
communist system andhe was among the first class in the Foreign Languages
School run by theCommunist Party in 1946, when the Russian Department of that
school was moved,Yenan moved to Harbin. He was in the class with children of
many famouscommunists including Chairman Mao’s second son. He and my mother
were veryrevolutionary. So they went to the dictionary and they found “Di”
which meanswood, which is not very assuming but very easy to survive. And it
seems that Ihave lived up to the name. When young women were trying to change
their namesfrom these girlish names to something revolutionary, I didn’t have
to change myname because it meant independence already. Girls tried to change
their girlishnames if they weren't revolutionary or were too feminine - they
would change itinto something fighting and strong like the men’s names. After
capitalism cameback, I can give you three instances where women changed their
names back. One of my friends, before theCultural Revolution, her name was very
womanish, so she changed it to Wengewhich literarily means “cultural
revolution.” But recently I heard from her andshe changed her name back. I have
another friend who is an editor in a Beijingpublishing house and her name was
“red” and she changed it back to “littleflower.”
Li Onesto: You’ve written a lot about the role of womenin revolutionary China.
Can you compare the status of women before 1949, then1949 to the Cultural
Revolution, then during the Cultural Revolution and thenwhat it is like now for
women under capitalism?
Bai Di: I always like to look at the differencesamong the three generations of
women in my family as an indicator of how Chinahad changed under the Communist
Party. Both my grandmothers were born at theturn of the 20th century and they
both married early, one at the age of 14, theother at 15. They both had bound
feet and each of them gave birth to 14 kids.They were in arranged marriages.
They were both illiterate. They did nothingfor their whole life but giving
birth and having kids, seeing some of thenewborns die helplessly. My mother’s
life is very different. She was born inthe ’30s so basically in 1949 when the
People’s Republic of China was founded,she was in middle school and in the
early ’50s she went to college to studyRussian, dreaming to be a diplomat. Both
my parents were the first generationof college educated in their respective
families. My mother was a translatorand researcher in Russian literature before
her retirement. Then I think of mygeneration, I am a college professor with a
Ph..D. degree. I have been travelingaround the world teaching and writing.
Compared with my grandmas and my mother,I am more ambitious, more idealist and
more confident. I am very grateful that I grew up in an extremelyspecial moment
in Chinese history. The dominant ideology was that womenhold up half of the
sky; what men can do, women can do. Those may sound now ashollow slogans; but I
lived through that period really believing in myself, inmy ability in bringing
about changes in my own life and the lives of otherpeople. And then I thinkof
the fourth generation of the family. I do not have a daughter, so I will usemy
niece as an example. She is now about 26 years old, having a college degreeand
a very high paid job in China. It seems that all she is interested in arebrand
name bags and clothes. She likes to talk about who has money, who hasbrand name
bags, what kind of husband is there. And I just look at her now andI see that
there is another generation right now, it is called “post-’80s” inChina; a
generation that puts most of their energy into this consumer culture.When I was
young, the social ideal was to do something good for other people,to work to
change the world into a better system. We were willing to sacrifice.And we all
believed in fair and equal distribution of social wealth. But rightnow for
young people growing up in China, it’s me, me, me. And the wholeculture
buttresses that. And also the women’s role today, you can see itingrained,
basically that you should be a good wife and then right now theChinese popular
culture is full of this kind of discussion. On CCTV, on thewomen’s programs,
both the hosts and guests will focus on what kind of husbandyou will be happy
with; how one can be more feminine so that she is moreattractive. The famous
women in every realm of the society are invited in totalk about this. Can you
imagine a program that famous men were on to talkabout how to be a good
husband? They never ask the guys this kind of question.
Li Onesto: One of the things during the CulturalRevolution was refutation of
Confucian thinking and how this is oppressive,especially to women, the feudal
and patriarchal thinking. Can you talk aboutthat and compare this to now?
Bai Di: This kind of criticism of feudalism was goingon back in the May 4
Movement at the beginning of the 20th century. But thereal legal reform started
in 1930s in the Red Soviet areas controlled by theChinese Communist Party.
After the founding of the People’s Republic of China,the first law that the new
government passed was not the Constitution, theConstitution was passed in 1954.
The first law passed by the Communistgovernment in 1950 was the Marriage
Law—for the first time it abolished theconcubinage system, abolished arranged
marriages, saying men and women shouldbe partners in marriage and that women
should get equal inheritance and divorcerights, banned polygamy, child brides
and also the concept of “illegitimate”children. That was a great moment in
history. Think about how the governmentsaw the role of gender issues in
changing people’s minds and lives.
In order to build a newworld, women have to be liberated. Like Marx said, for
the liberation, you haveto liberate everybody. And if women are not liberated
you cannot say that thenation is liberated. This showed the progressiveness of
the Chinese CommunistParty. So the first law passed was the Marriage Law and
the second law passed amonth later was the land reform law. So basically you
can see in 1950, the nextyear after the founding of the People’s Republic of
China, two laws basicallyrepresenting the new government’s focused agenda.
First, the change ofsuperstructure—because families were so ingrained in
Confucian familyhierarchy, this was so ingrained in Chinese culture, that you
had to change it.So I think that was a symbol of the change of culture.
Secondly, the change in theinfrastructure of the economic base, that is of the
poor peasants and theirownership of the land. You were not only changing the
economic structure, youhad to change the superstructure, including people’s
ideas. And law is a partof superstructure. So that’s Mao’s great idea, changing
both sides, rather thanjust the economy.. On theother hand, those who wanted to
bring capitalism back, like Deng Xiaoping, saidthat if you just change the
economy, everything else will change. But at thebeginning, the Chinese
Communist Party saw that you have to abolish the oldthings that are oppressive.
There is a dialectic, you can see this in anything.Like the problem with the
Marriage Law. There was great resistance all along.Because it’s not like you
will just have a law and then all the people willfollow that. There were still
a lot of women’s issues for the 17 years after1949 from the start of the new
socialist government until the start of theCultural Revolution in 1966.
When new China was founded in 1949, the new government met so manychallenges:
prostitution, concubinage, drug problems. And miraculously, withintwo or three
years, all the prostitutes were reformed and all the drug addictsgot treated.
My grandmother told me about how there was this place in Harbinwhere there was
this neighborhood for prostitution and it then became a normalresidential area.
Unfortunately today that area has gone back to its“tradition” of prostitution.
Li Onesto: A lot of things were changed in the first 17years, but what made it
necessary to go further? What problems was the CulturalRevolution trying to
address, including around the woman question?
Bai Di: There was the newly emerged elitist groupwithin the Party and the
government. They were called the capitalist roaders in the Cultural
Revolutionand they were the targets of the revolution. But I think
“capitalistroader” may be a misnomer. They were people who were trying to
return back tothe old hierarchy in the society. Also the social idea was
emerging that thosewho were educated should stay in the cities and then they
looked down on theirparents in the countryside. This was one of the symptoms in
that 17 years andthen the Cultural Revolution tried to get rid of this.
The peasants said of theirchildren who were lucky enough to go to the
university in the cities: Thesaying went—the first year they are country
bumpkins, the second year theycatch up with the other people, the third year,
they will desert their parentsin the countryside. So that’s a change in the
peasant children sent to thecities. This was used to talk about the larger
problem and social issues. TheCommunist Party came also from the peasant base.
It represented peasants’interest. So people send them to govern the country,
they go to Beijing right?First, they’re fine. They keep their basic color,
their values, and theirmission. But after a while, the second period, they
catch up with all thepeople there, they try to “get in,” they forgot why they
were there in thefirst place.
Li Onesto: You’re saying this was an analogy to thosewho were supposed to be
serving the people but then ended up somewhere else.And the reason why Mao and
others started calling them capitalist roaders wasbecause there were two roads
that China could go on, one to socialism, one tocapitalism. And there were
those like Deng Xiaoping who were saying Chinashould be capitalist and this is
why they were called “capitalist roaders..”
Bai Di: But I don’t think these people wanted to goto capitalism, they were
trying to take people back to old [feudal] tradition,and they were trying to
retrench back to feudalism. Before China didn’t reallyhave capitalism. But
DengXiaoping was really a capitalist roader who wanted to emulate the
capitalistsystem. Liu Shao Qi was trying to emulate the capitalist system too.
Li Onesto: What about the role of model operas, the roleof women, the
importance of the superstructure—the Confucian superstructure hada certain
image of women—the mummies, beauties, etc. on the stage.
Bai Di: Jiang Qing gave a speech in 1965 and said wehave to reform the opera
and literature; that signaled the official start ofthe Cultural Revolution.
Li Onesto: Why was it so revolutionary what they didwith the model operas?
Bai Di: That is what my research is all about. I feelthat before the Cultural
Revolution, even though the Chinese Communist Partywas very aggressive
politically, but culturally the Party still carried a kindof conservative bend.
The Marriage Law was passed and was a great moment inChinese history, a very
progressive thing. But culturally, at the same time itcarried something very
traditional—why a marriage law, it is still thinkingthat women need to get
married. That’s my argument. What Jiang Qing did wasmore radical than that. I’m
writing a paper on this that I will present thissummer on the opera and
literature of the Cultural Revolution. What I want tosay is that compared to
the old works, the gender roles changed in the modeloperas and ballets.
The model theaters have tobe highlighted—this was how the revolution should be.
We can’t idealize the CulturalRevolution but this addressed the problem of the
fact that there were 600million people who still carried a lot of old baggage
with them. Chairman Maosaid you cannot carry out the revolution in one
generation. You have to have asecond and third generation; there is still
baggage that the people carry withthem. Right now it’s very difficult to speak
out about this, the people whostudy Cultural Revolution say that model operas
have created all these falseimages and stereotypes. Yes, so what? Any artistic
work creates and promotescertain images and stereotypes.
Li Onesto: And they are used to promote certain ideas...
Bai Di: Exactly. What’s wrong with that compared topromoting some other kinds
of ideals? If you look at Swan Lake,that is a certain view of women’s beauty.
Then what is in the RedDetachment of Women where you use the same form of
ballet but adifferent image of women. There is that comparison, contrast. Jiang
Qing usedBeijing Opera which is very, very abstract—she used this form to carry
acertain message, a certain image. People say, oh those women are not
real—theydon’t have a family. But that’s the point. That the woman being
portrayed isn’tburdened down by a family. So in that cultural sense, Jiang Qing
was moreadvanced. And you look at things now in China under capitalism. The
family istotally disruptive for women. And in terms of women’s total role,
theliberation of themselves and their social roles—you have to get out of
thefamily. Especially in Chinese culture, the word family is a loaded word,
aloaded concept, you have a role and obligation.
Li Onesto: It’s true in U.S. culture as well—there areunequal relations,
obligations, there’s patriarchy...
Bai Di: Exactly. Women can never be equal in the familystructure. That’s Jiang
Qing’s very radical feminism right there. So women canbe revolutionaries and
can be great leaders only when she is liberated frombeing a mother, from being
a wife. Those are the images the model theater inthe Cultural Revolution has
built.
Li Onesto: Can you talk more about what the CulturalRevolution accomplished and
what it meant to grow up in a socialist society?
Bai Di: I grew up there, and for me, I always had apurpose. That was what
education was about. And you didn’t have to worry aboutsomething like the kind
of financial crisis that capitalism will always haveperiodically. We never had
that much—two sets of clothes, but we never felt weshould have more. You don’t
have that kind of crazy desires for everything,like the need to go shopping all
the time. I feel that capitalism is very goodat creating a void in people’s
psyche. It will teach you that the only way youfeel okay is to want more. It is
so consuming. When I grew up, I did not putmuch time at all in material stuff.
So we had energy to do other things forgreater good. We studied all kinds of
subjects, and we thought our presence wasvery much a part of the future. Yes,
we were very future oriented and our focuswas also wider than only on China. It
was about the whole human kind. It iswhat inspired us. That’s what I feel
education has to be about.
Some people believe inindividualism. But if you think that you are the most
important, then that isreally a boring life, because your existence is
irrelevant to others; that is howI feel. You can’t survive that long. You have
to put yourself into humanhistory. Then your life, your existence will carry
some meaning. That is whatChairman Mao said. In his memorial to Doctor Norman
Bethune, he said everyonehas to die. But the meaning of death is different.
Somebody dies a worthy deathso that death is as weighty as the Mount Tai. Some
other’s death is as light asa feather. And because Bethune put his life into
this communist cause, we allremember him—his death was weighty. We were all
trained this way. You feel thatyou become part of something. And this makes
your life and death moremeaningful. Now to think about it, we were pretty
profound as teenagers. Wewere already coping with the existential questions for
all humankind: life anddeath.
I had never lived in acapitalist society then so I didn’t know how to compare
it to socialism. Butlooking at the things now both in China and U.S., I feel
that there was, backthen, an optimism that was always in the air, we were
always optimistic. Peopledidn’t complain. Right now everyone is complaining
even though he/she hasalready so much. Under capitalism there is all these
desires for all kinds ofthings. Right now when I go back to China everyone is
complaining and it’s justmoney, money, money. Butback under socialism, the
purpose in life was not money. As Lei Feng saidsuccinctly: We cannot live
without food, but our lives are not for food.. It isfor making a better
society. That pretty much sums up the spirit. LeiFeng was an ordinary soldier
in the People’s Liberation Army and died manninghis post. He spent his short 22
years of life helping other people. AndChairman Mao called on the whole nation
to “Learn from Comrade Lei Feng” in1964.
On Tuesday, June 11, 2019, 9:58:45 PM GMT+2, 'nesare' [email protected]
[GELORA45] <[email protected]> wrote:
Coba saya nimbrung disini.
Saya rada setuju sama bh jo ttg homeless di usa yg malas dgn mengganti malas
dgn bermasalah. Ini di usa dimana system sosialnya ada. Orang gak ada pekerjaan
bisa pergi ke SSA utk mendapatkan pekerjaan. Gak ada duit bisa minta makan dan
juga duit. Gak ada tempat tidur bisa pergi ke penampungan sementara. Gak ada
asuransi kesehatan aman pasti diobati dan malahan dikasih obat.. Masalahnya
kenapa masih ada yg bergentayangan dibawah jembatan, didepan gereja dll? Ini
karena mereka2 ini ada problem/bermasalah. Ada yg drug addict, kecanduan
alcohol, mental disorder dll dimana mereka ini gak bisa/mau ikut system social
yg sdh ada itu. Apakah malas? Bisa jadi ttp kebanyakan ya itu problematic.
Di negara berkembang dan miskin termasuk Indonesia kasusnya mungkin lain. Kalau
orang Indonesia malas ya jelas tidak. Wong kerjanya keras begitu tahan banting.
Masalah ada buruh cina yg kerja diindonesia itu gak benar masalahnya adalah krn
buruh cina lebih pintar atau lebih rajin. Bukan ini. Ini masalah bisnis dan
masalah imigrasi. Coba baca dulu yg teliti masalah ini.
Koq bisa ya drug addict berasal dari kapitalisme? Teori apa yg bung pakai?
Bung dgn kata lain mau mengatakan komunisme gak akan ada drug addict?
Aduh jangan begini bung sampai2 masalah orang doing drug, bung bawa keideologi.
Sadar ndak bung ngomong begini radikal dalam arti apa2 saja bung kait2kan ke
ideologi. Moso’ drug bisa gak ada didunia komunisme. Saya gak usah nulis
sosialismelah ya krn bung sdh tahu sekarang ini dinegara sosialis drug itu ada.
Apalagi bung sudah bawa2 jamannya Mao yg seakan2 bisa gak ada pelacuran,
pecandu. Aduh jangan begini bung. Saya yg bukan ahli cina saja tahu gak mungkin
ini. Shanghai itu dari dulu, jaman Mao s/d sekarang sudah terkenal dgn
modernisasinya termasuk semua penyakit social yg bung klaim gak ada dijaman Mao
itu. Gak usah susah2, coba saja ikutin ceritera shanghanthan 1920an bagaimana
Chinese brotherhood yg adalah pelarian shaolin bikin komunitas yg akhirnya
disebut triad dihongkong. Walaupun film shanghaithan ini fiktif ttp begitulah
wajah kehidupan metropolitan di shanghai tahun2 itu. Setelah Mao menang memang
pelacuran ditutup habis2an ttp bukan berarti tidak ada pelacuran bung! Inikan
alasan agamais Islam dipakai utk membangun khilafah. Emangnya siapa yg bisa
menerima permasalahan social dapat ditanggulangi dgn suatu system agama maupun
ideologi. Gak ada itu bung! Sayang bung masih percaya dgn komunisme dapat
menghapuskan pelacuran, percanduan dll. Disinilah letak radikalisme bung.
Mengerti kenapa saya menyebut bung radikal?
Nesare
From: [email protected] <[email protected]>
Sent: Tuesday, June 11, 2019 2:45 PM
To: [email protected]; [email protected]
Subject: Re: AW: Re: [GELORA45] Telusur tvOne: Kertajati Bandara 'Mati Suri'
(29 5 2019)
Bukan pertama kali saya dengar orang dengan serta merta menyalahkan dan menuduh
rakyat, orang miskin atau homeless sebagai orang-orang yang malas, pemabuk,
drug-addict, tidak berdisiplin dsb....Sudah tentu di segala bangsa terdapat
orang yang malas. Tapi kita bicara soal malas, pemabuk, drug-addict sebagai
penyakit sosial, bukan HANYA SOAL INDIVIDUAL. Dulu juga ketika krisis melanda
Yunani, kontan media Eropa mencekoki rakyatnya dengan tulisan-tulisan rasis
yang merendahkan dan menghina rakyat Yunani sebagai rakyat yang malas, maunya
enak-enak, etc. Di Indonesia pun banyak orang yang menyalahkan dan bilang bahwa
buruh atau orang Indonesia bawahan itu malas bekerja...Sekarang juga ada orang
yang membenarkan "import" tenaga kerja Tiongkok karena dianggap buruh tiongkok
kerjanya lebih baik/trampil dari pada buruh Indonesia. Itu saya anggap
penghinaan terhadap buruh Indonesia. Seperti anak seorang teman yang kaya raya
juga mengeluh dan bilang pembantunya malas... Saya tanya berapa gajih pak
Slamet itu yang sudah berkeluarga dan punya dua anak? Satu setengah juta
rupiah!!! Saya bilang kalau kamu kerja dan digajih satu setengah juta rupiah,
akan bersemangatkah engkau bekerja?? Diam seribu bahasa!!! Dulu saya pernah
berdebat tentang soal hukuman mati bagi mereka yang terlibat dalam soal drug...
Saya bilang soal drug-eddict, dan juga banyak soal kejahatan lainnya adalah
penyakit sosial yang bersumber pada kapitalisme. Soal itu tidak dapat
diselesaikan dengan hukuman mati. Orang harus mau mempelajari akar dari masalah
sosial itu.. Kalau memang serius mau melenyapkan , akarnyalah yang harus
dihilangkan yang menjadi sumber dari penyakit sosial itu. Orang tidak
dilahirkan untuk menjadi drug-addict atau pemabuk, atau penjahat, pelacur,
dsb...Mengapa dulu, di masyarakat sosialis Mao, pelacuran, pencandu, dan segala
macam penyakit sosial dapat dilenyapkan dalam waktu tidak lama??? Sekarang
muncul kembali semua penyakit sosial itu dengan dibongkarnya sistim sosialis
dan diganti dengan kapitalisme yang menempatkan kaum buruh dan tani di tingkat
paling bawah dari piramid dan dihisap untuk menghasilkan kekayaan yang hanya
dinikmati oleh kelas-kelas borjuasi Tiongkok!!!
On Monday, June 10, 2019, 11:49:46 PM GMT+2, [email protected] [GELORA45]
<[email protected]> wrote:
Kita mengetahui keadaan seperti ini di kota2 besar di Amerika. Namun, yg harus
disalahkan bukan pemerintah nya saja, tetapi rakyat nya yg miskin (homeless) yg
"malas" dan tidak mau "berdipsiplin". Mereka, tidak sedikit atau kebanyakan,
adalah para "pemabuk dan drug addict". Angka pengangguran di Amerika adalah
rendah sekali, barangkali satu yg paling rendah di dunia sekarang ini yaitu
3.6%. Banyak perusahaan2 atau tempat2 yg memerlukan pekerja2 tetapi tidak bisa
mendapatnya. Dan tempat2 kerja yg kosong ini di isi oleh imigran2, yg legal
maupun yg tidak legal. Misal, di tempat2 pekebunan buah2 an dan sayur2 an,
hampir semua pekerjanya orang dari Mexico. Orang2 Amerika sendiri tidak mau
bekerja di tempat2 begini dan malas atau tidak mau "bekerja kasar" dan lebih
baik mendapat social welfare atau menjadi "homeless people".
Saya sendiri bukan orang/WN Amerika dan juga tidak mau dikasih atau mengambil
WN Amerika walaupun bisa mendapat dgn mudah sebab banyak point2 yg saya tidak
senang atau tidak setuju dgn Amerika. Namun, banyak fasilitas2 pekerjaan dan
akademik yg nomor wahid di dunia sekarang ini adalah di Amerika. Sampai baru2
ini saya bekerja di Amerika (tetapi keluarga tidak saya pindah ke AS tetapi
saya sering pulang balik ke dan dari AS). Sistim "survival of the fittest" yg
berlaku di AS adalah prinsip yg ada segi positif nya, misal, yg sangat
mendorong kemajuan.
Kalau orang AS bisa menjadi homeless adalah "salahnya mereka sendiri" dimana
imigran2 atau orang LN saja bisa mendapatkan pekerjaan apa saja dan bisa
mendapat posisi tinggi di AS dimana angka penganguran sangat rendah disana
seperti tsb diatas. Dulu saya belajar di Jerman dan bekerja di Jerman, tetapi
utk kemajuan utk orang LN (Auslaender) lebih baik di AS daripada di Jerman.
Salam,
BH Jo
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