Lho, TIDAK ada maksud saya MELARANG orang berpendapat! Yang saya ajukan
KESALAHAN Pijak pendapat sumbang itu!
ajeg [email protected] [GELORA45] 於 18/6/2019 9:59 寫道:
Apa berpendapat begini juga tak boleh?
“Not yet” is a reference to the terms of the joint declaration
governing Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule in 1997, which promised
that the territory’s way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years,
until 2047. When it was signed, in 1984, the year 2047 seemed
impossibly far off, but the proposed extradition law brings 2047 much,
much closer.
--- SADAR@... wrote:
Aachhh, ... bung ini ada-ada saja! Darimana bisa Not Yet!!! Sejarah HK
selama ini TIDAK pernah ada yg bisa bilang bukan wilayah kesatuan
Tiongkok! Sekalipun 99 tahun disewakan Inggris, menjadi koloni
Inggris, TETAP saja tahun 1997 mutlak harus dikembali kepangkuan
ibu-pertiwi Tiongkok!
Masalah kesatuan negara itu harga mati bagi rakyat! Sama halnya dengan
NKRI adalah harga mati bagi Rakyat Indonesia, jangan coba-coba
berteriak GAM Merdeka, Papua Merdeka dsb, ...! Rakyat Indonesia akan
bangkit melawan habis-habisan membela NKRI!
ajeg 於 18/6/2019 9:29 寫道:
Sebaiknya memang ada kebebasan berpendapat. Setidaknya untuk bilang
not /yet/.
--- SADAR@... wrote:
Bagaimana bisa menganggap HK bukan bagian/wilayah Tiongkok! SATU
kesatuan NEGARA dibawah Republik Rakyat Tiongkok! Jelas, Louisa Lim
ini, tidak mengakui HK adalah bagian/wilayah tak terpisahkan dari
Tiongkok Daratan! Berkehendak HK Merdeka, .... dan sekarang terus
merongrong, menjegal kelancaran pem.HK dengan segala penolakkan dan
pemboikotan bahkan dengan usaha gunakan "people Power" aksi-aksi
kerusuhan/kekerasan melumpuhkan dan menggulingkan pemerintah HK!
ajeg 於 17/6/2019 23:23 寫道:
*Hong Kong is not China yet, but that feared day is coming ever nearer*
Louisa Lim**
Mon 17 Jun 2019 01.19 BST
/The extradition law was delayed after a million people took to the
streets, but the fight for the territory’s values is far from over/
Hong Kong has become a place whose present is unresolved and whose
future is unimaginable. After the unexpected violence of the last
week, no one can predict how the events of this afternoon, tomorrow,
this week will play out. The only certainty is that Hong Kong’s way
of life is under immediate threat and its people are coming out in
force to defend it.
But the curse of living in the eternal immediate present is that the
stakes for this “last fight” could not be higher, especially since
young Hong Kongers fear that if they are defeated in this battle,
there will be nothing left to lose. The failure of the Umbrella
movement five years ago, when Hong Kongers occupied important
thoroughfares for 79 days, seeking greater democratic participation,
to win any concrete gains has raised the stakes further still this
time round.
“HK is not China! Not yet!” These few words hastily scrawled on to a
piece of A4 paper and tacked on to the concrete strut of a walkway
aptly encapsulate the political crisis roiling Hong Kong. The
territory has been plunged into instability after police fired rubber
bullets and 150 rounds of teargas to break up a huge rally on 12
June, just days after a million people peacefully took to the streets
to protest against extradition legislation.
“Not yet” is a reference to the terms of the joint declaration
governing Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule in 1997, which promised
that the territory’s way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years,
until 2047. When it was signed, in 1984, the year 2047 seemed
impossibly far off, but the proposed extradition law brings 2047
much, much closer.
By permitting the rendition of anyone on Hong Kong soil to face trial
in China, it would effectively remove the firewall between Hong
Kong’s common law system and the mainland’s party-dominated legal
system. Though the government has now suspended the bill, the process
has unleashed a firestorm of fear and anger.
Since the Umbrella movement, Hong Kongers have already seen
irrevocable changes to their way of life: popularly elected lawmakers
have been disqualified by the courts for saying their oaths too
slowly or with the wrong intonation; politicians have been forbidden
to stand for election; a political party has been banned; activists
have been sent to prison on public-order offences; now the police
have used violence against their own people.
The unseemly rush to pass this unpopular extradition law has also
weakened each of the territory’s institutions. The legislature
descended into unseemly brawls, with fist fights breaking out as
committees duelled. The civil service and judiciary are no longer
seen as politically neutral. The police force, once seen as Asia’s
finest, is an object of popular hatred, and its relationship with the
public is irretrievably damaged.
The chief executive, Carrie Lam, is so unpopular that protesters
carried pictures of her face stamped with the word “Liar” and 6,000
mothers turned out to accuse her of not being fit for office. Even
though the bill has been put on hold, the process has already
permanently devalued the institutions that HK people hold dear.
Hong Kong’s status as a city of protest is also under threat. The
ability to demonstrate has become an important expression of local
identity that distinguishes Hong Kong from China and over the years
Hong Kongers have enthusiastically marched with performative flair,
mounting shopping actions, carol singing rallies and artistic
protests against censorship with blank placards. Yet the designation
of Wednesday’s protest as a riot, combined with court verdicts
finding activists guilty on public nuisance charges, strike at the
very heart of the ability to stage a protest.
Today, any call to public action, even the act of giving speeches to
a rally, requires a greater degree of caution. The young activists
involved in recent protests have switched tactics to form leaderless,
anonymous collectives, hiding their identities with face masks and
using messaging apps to organise. The government has begun to act
against these, arresting one Telegram group administrator on
suspicion of conspiracy to commit public nuisance. Many activists no
longer welcome their photos being taken or doing interviews with
foreign media. Within the course of a week, they are becoming as
cautious as mainland Chinese dissidents. By shutting young people out
of the political process, the government may well have created an
underground resistance that sees that radical action can have results.
But the core values that Hong Kongers cherish include universal
values, press freedom, judicial independence and civil rights. These
are seen by Beijing as among the “seven unmentionables”, putting Hong
Kongers on the frontline of the clash between western “universal”
values and the Communist party’s need for total control.
Faced with these existential threats, Hong Kong’s default position
has in recent years been a defensive crouch. “We don’t have a grand
strategy,” the political scientist Ray Yep from City University told
me before this round of protests had broken out. “In every situation,
you just defend what you can the most. This is how you defend Hong
Kong values. We defend what we have. It’s defensive but it can be
offensive as well.” When one in seven of the population turns out to
protest against the extradition legislation, defence becomes attack,
particularly in the eyes of Beijing.
The protest messages on the pieces of paper flapping on the overhead
walkway underline the confusion, shock and anger reverberating
through the territory in the wake of last week’s violence. “Stop
shooting students.” “Is protesting a crime?” “Is speaking a crime?”
But equally, there’s a flinty determination that underpins the
realisation that, even if this struggle over the extradition law is
won, there will be the next fight, then the next. Because Hong Kong
is not China yet. Not yet, but 2047 moves ever closer at an
accelerating pace. One message simply said: “Keep going till the end.”/
/
/
/
/Louisa Lim is the author of /The People’s Republic of Amnesia
<https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/24/the-peoples-republic-of-anmesia-tiananmen-revisited-louisa-lim-review>
---
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