Not yet = belum On Tue, Jun 18, 2019 at 4:59 AM ChanCT [email protected] [GELORA45] < [email protected]> wrote:
> > > Lho, TIDAK ada maksud saya MELARANG orang berpendapat! Yang saya ajukan > KESALAHAN Pijak pendapat sumbang itu! > > > ajeg [email protected] [GELORA45] 於 18/6/2019 9:59 寫道: > > > Apa berpendapat begini juga tak boleh? > > “Not yet” is a reference to the terms of the joint declaration governing > Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule in 1997, which promised that the > territory’s way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years, until 2047. > When it was signed, in 1984, the year 2047 seemed impossibly far off, but > the proposed extradition law brings 2047 much, much closer. > > --- SADAR@... wrote: > > Aachhh, ... bung ini ada-ada saja! Darimana bisa Not Yet!!! Sejarah HK > selama ini TIDAK pernah ada yg bisa bilang bukan wilayah kesatuan Tiongkok! > Sekalipun 99 tahun disewakan Inggris, menjadi koloni Inggris, TETAP saja > tahun 1997 mutlak harus dikembali kepangkuan ibu-pertiwi Tiongkok! > > Masalah kesatuan negara itu harga mati bagi rakyat! Sama halnya dengan > NKRI adalah harga mati bagi Rakyat Indonesia, jangan coba-coba berteriak > GAM Merdeka, Papua Merdeka dsb, ...! Rakyat Indonesia akan bangkit melawan > habis-habisan membela NKRI! > > > ajeg 於 18/6/2019 9:29 寫道: > > Sebaiknya memang ada kebebasan berpendapat. Setidaknya untuk bilang not > *yet*. > > --- SADAR@... wrote: > > Bagaimana bisa menganggap HK bukan bagian/wilayah Tiongkok! SATU kesatuan > NEGARA dibawah Republik Rakyat Tiongkok! Jelas, Louisa Lim ini, tidak > mengakui HK adalah bagian/wilayah tak terpisahkan dari Tiongkok Daratan! > Berkehendak HK Merdeka, .... dan sekarang terus merongrong, menjegal > kelancaran pem.HK dengan segala penolakkan dan pemboikotan bahkan dengan > usaha gunakan "people Power" aksi-aksi kerusuhan/kekerasan melumpuhkan dan > menggulingkan pemerintah HK! > > > ajeg 於 17/6/2019 23:23 寫道: > > *Hong Kong is not China yet, but that feared day is coming ever nearer* > Louisa Lim > Mon 17 Jun 2019 01.19 BST > > *The extradition law was delayed after a million people took to the > streets, but the fight for the territory’s values is far from over* > > Hong Kong has become a place whose present is unresolved and whose future > is unimaginable. After the unexpected violence of the last week, no one can > predict how the events of this afternoon, tomorrow, this week will play > out. The only certainty is that Hong Kong’s way of life is under immediate > threat and its people are coming out in force to defend it. > > But the curse of living in the eternal immediate present is that the > stakes for this “last fight” could not be higher, especially since young > Hong Kongers fear that if they are defeated in this battle, there will be > nothing left to lose. The failure of the Umbrella movement five years ago, > when Hong Kongers occupied important thoroughfares for 79 days, seeking > greater democratic participation, to win any concrete gains has raised the > stakes further still this time round. > > “HK is not China! Not yet!” These few words hastily scrawled on to a piece > of A4 paper and tacked on to the concrete strut of a walkway aptly > encapsulate the political crisis roiling Hong Kong. The territory has been > plunged into instability after police fired rubber bullets and 150 rounds > of teargas to break up a huge rally on 12 June, just days after a million > people peacefully took to the streets to protest against extradition > legislation. > > “Not yet” is a reference to the terms of the joint declaration governing > Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule in 1997, which promised that the > territory’s way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years, until 2047. > When it was signed, in 1984, the year 2047 seemed impossibly far off, but > the proposed extradition law brings 2047 much, much closer. > > By permitting the rendition of anyone on Hong Kong soil to face trial in > China, it would effectively remove the firewall between Hong Kong’s common > law system and the mainland’s party-dominated legal system. Though the > government has now suspended the bill, the process has unleashed a > firestorm of fear and anger. > > Since the Umbrella movement, Hong Kongers have already seen irrevocable > changes to their way of life: popularly elected lawmakers have been > disqualified by the courts for saying their oaths too slowly or with the > wrong intonation; politicians have been forbidden to stand for election; a > political party has been banned; activists have been sent to prison on > public-order offences; now the police have used violence against their own > people. > > The unseemly rush to pass this unpopular extradition law has also weakened > each of the territory’s institutions. The legislature descended into > unseemly brawls, with fist fights breaking out as committees duelled. The > civil service and judiciary are no longer seen as politically neutral. The > police force, once seen as Asia’s finest, is an object of popular hatred, > and its relationship with the public is irretrievably damaged. > > The chief executive, Carrie Lam, is so unpopular that protesters carried > pictures of her face stamped with the word “Liar” and 6,000 mothers turned > out to accuse her of not being fit for office. Even though the bill has > been put on hold, the process has already permanently devalued the > institutions that HK people hold dear. > > Hong Kong’s status as a city of protest is also under threat. The ability > to demonstrate has become an important expression of local identity that > distinguishes Hong Kong from China and over the years Hong Kongers have > enthusiastically marched with performative flair, mounting shopping > actions, carol singing rallies and artistic protests against censorship > with blank placards. Yet the designation of Wednesday’s protest as a riot, > combined with court verdicts finding activists guilty on public nuisance > charges, strike at the very heart of the ability to stage a protest. > > Today, any call to public action, even the act of giving speeches to a > rally, requires a greater degree of caution. The young activists involved > in recent protests have switched tactics to form leaderless, anonymous > collectives, hiding their identities with face masks and using messaging > apps to organise. The government has begun to act against these, arresting > one Telegram group administrator on suspicion of conspiracy to commit > public nuisance. Many activists no longer welcome their photos being taken > or doing interviews with foreign media. Within the course of a week, they > are becoming as cautious as mainland Chinese dissidents. By shutting young > people out of the political process, the government may well have created > an underground resistance that sees that radical action can have results. > > But the core values that Hong Kongers cherish include universal values, > press freedom, judicial independence and civil rights. These are seen by > Beijing as among the “seven unmentionables”, putting Hong Kongers on the > frontline of the clash between western “universal” values and the Communist > party’s need for total control. > > Faced with these existential threats, Hong Kong’s default position has in > recent years been a defensive crouch. “We don’t have a grand strategy,” the > political scientist Ray Yep from City University told me before this round > of protests had broken out. “In every situation, you just defend what you > can the most. This is how you defend Hong Kong values. We defend what we > have. It’s defensive but it can be offensive as well.” When one in seven of > the population turns out to protest against the extradition legislation, > defence becomes attack, particularly in the eyes of Beijing. > > The protest messages on the pieces of paper flapping on the overhead > walkway underline the confusion, shock and anger reverberating through the > territory in the wake of last week’s violence. “Stop shooting students.” > “Is protesting a crime?” “Is speaking a crime?” > > But equally, there’s a flinty determination that underpins the realisation > that, even if this struggle over the extradition law is won, there will be > the next fight, then the next. Because Hong Kong is not China yet. Not yet, > but 2047 moves ever closer at an accelerating pace. One message simply > said: “Keep going till the end.” > > *Louisa Lim is the author of *The People’s Republic of Amnesia > <https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/24/the-peoples-republic-of-anmesia-tiananmen-revisited-louisa-lim-review> > > > > > <http://www.avg.com/email-signature?utm_medium=email&utm_source=link&utm_campaign=sig-email&utm_content=emailclient> > 不含病毒。www.avg.com > <http://www.avg.com/email-signature?utm_medium=email&utm_source=link&utm_campaign=sig-email&utm_content=emailclient> > <#m_-6294457955400987936_DAB4FAD8-2DD7-40BB-A1B8-4E2AA1F9FDF2> > > >
