Nah lo terjebak dalam perangkap yang dipasang sendiri???!!!Sulitlah diskusi
dengan orang yang tidak mau mengakui perubahan sistim di Tkk. Demokrasi sejati
yang pernah dirasakan rakyat selama RBKP sudah digantikan dengan pembungkaman
dan penindasan kejam terhadap mereka yang berani mengemukakan pendapat berbeda
apalagi menentang kekaisaran Ping...Tahu nggak aktivis perempuan Maois yang
bersolidaritas dengan buruh dulu itu, sampai sekarang (sampai bulan Mei yang
lalu ketika saya ketemu teman-temannya di Peking) masih terus hilang. Dan
persekusi terus berjalan...Namun semua itu tidak muncul dalam berita...Jelas
demokrasi di HK adalah juga demokrasi borjuis, tapi dibanding dengan Tkk
daratan, masih ada ruang bernapas dan bergerak sedikit bagi organisasi politik
untuk mempropagandakan agendanya. Secara relatif, ada hukum yang dapat
digunakan sektor rakyat untuk membela haknya. Di TKK daratan, persis seperti di
Indonesia, kegiatan politik yang tidak menyenangkan kaum penguasa, semuanya
dikriminalisasi. Bayangin, orang mengorganisasi massa di tempat kelahiran Mao
untuk menghormatinya, dianggap mengganggu ketertiban!! Katanya mengakui FMTT!!!
Grup belajar Marxisme di Universitas ditindas!! Kalau kita omong dengan
mahasiswa yang jujur, mereka bilang, mau belajar M-L dan FMTT, belajarlah
sendiri, jangan belajar di Universitas...Yang diberikan di universitas adalah
interpretasi revisionis terhadap M-L dan FMTT!!! Ya jelas, wong penghisapan
dianggap halal di sosialisme.. sudah tentu orang remo bilang itu "pengembangan"
Marxisme yang harus disesuaikan dengan situasi aktuil!!!
On Wednesday, June 19, 2019, 1:14:37 AM GMT+2, [email protected]
[GELORA45] <[email protected]> wrote:
betul juga ya.....artinya Chan yg mendukung UU Ekstradisi beranggapan 2 negara
yg berbeda.
---In [email protected], <ajegilelu@...> wrote :
Ruwet juga ya.
Setahu saya ekstradisi itu perjanjian hukum antarnegara. Jadi, seperti apa
pijakan yang benar karena pemerintah Hong Kong mau berlakuan ekstradisi dengan
pemerintah RRC. Artinya, pemerintah HK berpendapat HK dan RRC adalah 2 negara
berbeda. Sementara, penduduk HK yang menolak hukum ekstradisi bukankah justru
berpijak pada pendapat HK bagian dari RRC...?
Hehe...
--- SADAR@... wrote:
Lho, TIDAK ada maksudsaya MELARANG orang berpendapat! Yang saya ajukan
KESALAHANPijak pendapat sumbang itu!
ajeg 於18/6/2019 9:59 寫道:
Apa berpendapat begini juga tak boleh?
“Not yet” is a reference to the termsof the joint declaration governing Hong
Kong’sreturn to Chinese rule in 1997, which promised thatthe territory’s way of
life would remain unchangedfor 50 years, until 2047. When it was signed,
in1984, the year 2047 seemed impossibly far off, butthe proposed extradition
law brings 2047 much, muchcloser.
--- SADAR@... wrote:
Aachhh, ... bung ini ada-ada saja!Darimana bisa Not Yet!!! Sejarah HKselama ini
TIDAK pernah ada yg bisabilang bukan wilayah kesatuanTiongkok! Sekalipun 99
tahun disewakanInggris, menjadi koloni Inggris, TETAPsaja tahun 1997 mutlak
harus dikembalikepangkuan ibu-pertiwi Tiongkok!
Masalah kesatuan negara itu hargamati bagi rakyat! Sama halnya denganNKRI
adalah harga mati bagi RakyatIndonesia, jangan coba-coba berteriakGAM Merdeka,
Papua Merdeka dsb, ...!Rakyat Indonesia akan bangkit melawanhabis-habisan
membela NKRI!
ajeg於 18/6/2019 9:29 寫道:
Sebaiknyamemang ada kebebasan berpendapat.Setidaknya untuk bilang not yet.
--- SADAR@... wrote:
Bagaimanabisa menganggapHK bukanbagian/wilayahTiongkok! SATUkesatuan
NEGARAdibawah RepublikRakyat Tiongkok!Jelas, LouisaLim ini, tidakmengakui
HKadalahbagian/wilayahtak terpisahkandari TiongkokDaratan!Berkehendak
HKMerdeka, .....dan sekarangterusmerongrong,menjegalkelancaranpem.HK
dengansegalapenolakkan danpemboikotanbahkan denganusaha gunakan"people
Power"aksi-aksikerusuhan/kekerasanmelumpuhkan danmenggulingkanpemerintah HK!
ajeg 於 17/6/201923:23 寫道:
Hong Kong is not China yet, but that feared dayis coming evernearer
LouisaLim
Mon17 Jun 201901.19 BST
Theextraditionlaw wasdelayed aftera millionpeople took tothe streets,but the
fightfor theterritory’svalues is farfrom over
HongKong hasbecome a placewhose presentis unresolvedand whosefuture
isunimaginable.After theunexpectedviolence ofthe last week,no one canpredict
howthe events ofthisafternoon,tomorrow, thisweek will playout. The
onlycertainty isthat HongKong’s way oflife is underimmediatethreat and
itspeople arecoming out inforce todefend it.
But thecurse ofliving in theeternalimmediatepresent isthat thestakes forthis
“lastfight” couldnot be higher,especiallysince youngHong Kongersfear that
ifthey aredefeated inthis battle,there will benothing leftto lose. Thefailure
of theUmbrellamovement fiveyears ago,when
HongKongersoccupiedimportantthoroughfaresfor 79
days,seekinggreaterdemocraticparticipation,to win anyconcrete gainshas raised
thestakes furtherstill thistime round..
“HK isnot China! Notyet!” Thesefew wordshastilyscrawled on toa piece of A4paper
andtacked on tothe concretestrut of awalkway aptlyencapsulatethe
politicalcrisis roilingHong Kong. Theterritory hasbeen
plungedintoinstabilityafter policefired rubberbullets and150 rounds ofteargas
tobreak up ahuge rally on12 June, justdays after amillion peoplepeacefullytook
to thestreets toprotestagainstextraditionlegislation.
“Notyet” is areference tothe terms ofthe jointdeclarationgoverning HongKong’s
returnto Chineserule in 1997,which promisedthat theterritory’sway of lifewould
remainunchanged for50 years,until 2047.When it wassigned, in1984, the year2047
seemedimpossibly faroff, but theproposedextraditionlaw brings2047 much,much
closer.
Bypermitting therendition ofanyone on HongKong soil toface trial inChina,
itwouldeffectivelyremove thefirewallbetween HongKong’s commonlaw system andthe
mainland’sparty-dominated legal system. Though the government has now
suspendedthe bill, theprocess hasunleashed afirestorm offear andanger.
Sincethe Umbrellamovement, HongKongers havealready seenirrevocablechanges
totheir way oflife:popularlyelectedlawmakers havebeendisqualifiedby the
courtsfor sayingtheir oathstoo slowly orwith the
wrongintonation;politicianshave beenforbidden tostand forelection;
apoliticalparty has beenbanned;activists havebeen sent toprison
onpublic-orderoffences; nowthe policehave usedviolenceagainst theirown people.
Theunseemly rushto pass thisunpopularextraditionlaw has alsoweakened eachof
theterritory’sinstitutions.Thelegislaturedescended intounseemlybrawls, withfist
fightsbreaking outas committeesduelled. Thecivil serviceand judiciaryare no
longerseen aspoliticallyneutral. Thepolice force,once seen asAsia’s finest,is
an objectof popularhatred, anditsrelationshipwith thepublic
isirretrievablydamaged.
Thechiefexecutive,Carrie Lam, isso unpopularthatprotesterscarriedpictures ofher
facestamped withthe word“Liar” and6,000 mothersturned out toaccuse her ofnot
being fitfor office.Even thoughthe bill hasbeen put onhold, theprocess
hasalreadypermanentlydevalued theinstitutionsthat HK peoplehold dear.
HongKong’s statusas a city ofprotest isalso underthreat. Theability
todemonstratehas become animportantexpression oflocal
identitythatdistinguishesHong Kong fromChina and overthe years HongKongers
haveenthusiasticallymarched withperformativeflair,mountingshoppingactions,
carolsingingrallies andartisticprotestsagainstcensorshipwith blankplacards.
Yetthedesignation ofWednesday’sprotest as ariot, combinedwith
courtverdictsfindingactivistsguilty onpublicnuisancecharges,strike at thevery
heart ofthe ability tostage aprotest.
Today,any call topublic action,even the actof givingspeeches to arally,requires
agreater degreeof caution.The youngactivistsinvolved inrecentprotests
haveswitchedtactics toformleaderless,anonymouscollectives,hiding
theiridentitieswith facemasks andusingmessaging appsto organise.The
governmenthas begun toact againstthese,arresting oneTelegram
groupadministratoron suspicionof conspiracyto commitpublicnuisance.
Manyactivists nolonger welcometheir photosbeing taken ordoinginterviewswith
foreignmedia. Withinthe course ofa week, theyare becomingas cautious
asmainlandChinesedissidents. Byshutting youngpeople out ofthe politicalprocess,
thegovernment maywell havecreated anundergroundresistancethat sees thatradical
actioncan haveresults.
But thecore valuesthat HongKongerscherishincludeuniversalvalues,
pressfreedom,judicialindependenceand civilrights. Theseare seen byBeijing
asamong the“sevenunmentionables”,putting HongKongers on thefrontline ofthe
clashbetweenwestern“universal”values and theCommunistparty’s needfor
totalcontrol.
Facedwith theseexistentialthreats, HongKong’s defaultposition hasin recentyears
been adefensivecrouch. “Wedon’t have agrandstrategy,” thepoliticalscientist
RayYep from CityUniversitytold me beforethis round ofprotests hadbroken out.“In
everysituation, youjust defendwhat you canthe most. Thisis how youdefend
HongKong values.We defend whatwe have. It’sdefensive butit can beoffensive
aswell.” Whenone in sevenof thepopulationturns out toprotestagainst
theextraditionlegislation,defencebecomesattack,particularlyin the eyes
ofBeijing.
Theprotestmessages onthe pieces ofpaper flappingon theoverheadwalkwayunderline
theconfusion,shock andangerreverberatingthrough theterritory inthe wake oflast
week’sviolence.“Stop shootingstudents.” “Isprotesting acrime?” “Isspeaking
acrime?”
Butequally,there’s aflintydeterminationthat underpinstherealisationthat, even
ifthis struggleover theextraditionlaw is won,there will bethe nextfight,
thenthe next.Because HongKong is notChina yet. Notyet, but 2047moves evercloser
at anacceleratingpace. Onemessage simplysaid: “Keepgoing till theend.”
LouisaLim is theauthor of The People’s Republic of Amnesia
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