On 3/26/21 2:59 AM, Roger Kulp wrote:
I know many of you have criticized Max Blumenthal, and the Grayzone,
but Max does a very good job here exposing just who is behing the
stories of Uyghur genocide in China. Including who funding the Chinese
exiles providing these stories to US media and government.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7hgAznkTcHQ
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7hgAznkTcHQ>
_._,_._,_
Well, that's how he makes a living. That's how all of these websites
collect money, from Global Research to Consortium News. They "follow the
money" in order to expose some ties between the NED, et al, and some
group of activists as a way of defending Xi Jinping, Bashar al-Assad,
Viktor Yanukovych, et al.
That relieves them of addressing the more important questions of whether
or not Uighurs are being forcefully assimilated. If you study the
history of Xinjiang from the 19th century, you are dealing with
colonialism. Blumenthal is a defender of colonialism pure and simple.
For him, the history of Xinjiang does not start when the Qing Dynasty
took it over, just like the USA took over Mexico. It started when
liberals began to call attention to what amounted to concentration camps.
Leftists also called attention to China's colonization and forced
assimilation but never he responded to them since he had no answers.
David Brody is both a Marxist and a Uighur scholar. If you are going to
recommend Blumenthal to Marxmail, I'd also recommend Brophy's analysis
since he not only speaks Uighur and Chinese but has actually been to
Xinjiang:
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2018/05/xinjiang-uyghur-china-repression-surveillance-islamophobia
The camps are only the culmination of a series of repressive policy
innovations introduced by party secretary Chen Quanguo since his arrival
in Xinjiang in 2016. Many of these were already evident on a trip I made
to Xinjiang last year: police stations at every major intersection,
ubiquitous checkpoints where Chinese sail through as Uyghurs line up for
humiliating inspections, elderly men and women trudging through the
streets on anti-terror drills, television and radio broadcasts
haranguing the Uyghurs to love the party and blame themselves for their
second-class status.
I saw machine gun-toting police stop young Uyghur men on the street to
check their phones for mandatory government spyware. Some have simply
ditched their smartphones, lest an “extremist” video clip or text
message land them in prison. On a weekday in the Uyghur center of
Kashgar, I stood and watched as the city went into lockdown, making way
for divisions of PLA soldiers to march by, chanting out their
determination to maintain “stability.”
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