> On Jan 9, 2025, at 8:42 PM, Charlie via groups.io 
> <[email protected]> wrote:
> 
> Mark, your argument is that you cannot believe that participants in the 
> revolution against tsarism could come to hate the first socialist regime. You 
> don't look at the evidence, you don't compare the facts that Furr presents 
> with the evasions that Greene writes. No, you just can't believe it could 
> happen. And if you can't believe it, then it must not be true. Sorry, that 
> cuts no ice.

Charlie, 
 That's one theory: The "participants in the revolution against tsarism 
...[came] to hate the first socialist regime." Those participants, of course, 
happened to include central leaders of the Bolshevik Party, who participated in 
and shaped the system that ultimately prosecuted them.

Here's another theory: The Great Purges and Show Trials of the mid 1930s are 
extension and the many little purges and show trials of fifteen years earlier 
by the Bolshevik Party as a means of governance.

"The Bolshevik party soon turned its back on the principle of collective 
working-class democracy that had been practiced in 1917. Where the soviets 
survived, their decisions were usually subordinated to edicts by party or 
military bodies. Non-Bolshevik socialist parties were subject to repression. 
The death penalty was partly reimposed and the special security commissions 
(the Cheka) became stronger." S. Pirani, "The Russian Revolution in Retreat 
1920-1924." 
(https://files.libcom.org/files/[Simon_Pirani]_The_Russian_Revolution_in_Retreat,_(b-ok.org).pdf)
 
<https://files.libcom.org/files/%5BSimon_Pirani%5D_The_Russian_Revolution_in_Retreat,_(b-ok.org).pdf)>.

Pirani writes that "The Bolsheviks’ chosen path was to conduct the economic 
revival under the leadership of the party and the state; the working class was 
consigned to the area of production and kept out of the process of political 
decision-making." 

In the aftermath of the Russian Civil War, the Bolshevik leadership came to 
view the state as the engine of the revolution. Many Bolshevik cadre in the 
workplaces were transformed into government "sluzhashchie" or "white collar," 
administrative, or office workers. And as the Bolsheviks relinquished the 
leadership of the factory floors to activists outside the party, the Cheka were 
brought in to deal with those who questioned or challenged party policies. 
Party policy was to snuff out any independent organization. Noncompliants were 
purged or worse.

In Pirani's telling, the "ideas in Lenin’s The State and Revolution, which was 
written under the influence of the surge of soviet activity in 1917 and 
extolled popular participation in government, were dumped. By 1921, as the Red 
army invaded Georgia to help depose the local Mensheviks, the principle of 
self-determination of small nations – which had in December 1917 been cited as 
a justification for granting independence to Finland – was set aside. In the 
post-civil-war years, the most conservative aspects of Bolshevik ideology – the 
vanguardism, authoritarianism and statism that had been shaken up in 1917 – 
were reinforced by the revolution’s retreat."

Little purges preceded the great ones just as a little show trial presaged much 
bigger ones in the following decade: "The Central Committee (CC) of the 
Bolshevik party first decided to try the SR party leaders in December 1921 and 
announced this intention publicly in February 1922. The propaganda campaign 
began with a public dispute with the leaders of the Socialist International, 
during which Lenin initiated the call for the death penalty. In Moscow the MC 
supervised a campaign of resolutions at workplace meetings during May and June. 
This activity was coordinated with a ‘technical troika’ of GPU officers, headed 
by the anarchist-turned-Bolshevik Timofei Samsonov39 who in April oversaw a 
crackdown on the Mensheviks’ Moscow organization, and in late May moved on to 
arrest all known SR activists."

I don't think Russian history repeated itself, first as a tragedy and then as 
an absurdity. I think that the persecution and purging of workplace activists 
in the earliest years of the "revolution in retreat" eventually raached the top 
leaders of the revolution - except for one of them.

Mark



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