On Sun, Jan 12, 2025 at 08:05 AM, Michael Karadjis wrote:

> 
> No, quite right, it isn't. So, in that sense, let's say the parallel I was
> making to Cuba and the missile crisis etc was not entirely accurate.
> However, I also made a comparison to a hypothetical case of France trying
> to reinvade Algeria and annex part of its coastline. And I think that's
> where we disagree. For you, the "proxyists" and "self-determinationists"
> and everyone else are equally non-Marxist because they are not discussing
> differences in the mode of production. In one respect I can say that I
> disagree, but can respect the consistency of your approach. The problem I
> have though is, how consistent is it? In theory, it abolishes the right of
> self-determination in every case where both sides are capitalist. But I
> doubt that is your absolute opinion. What would you say about my Algeria
> hypothetical? In 2003, was the mode of production different in the US and
> Iraq? And so on.
> 

> 
> 
> 

MK--

You're not alone in wondering how consistent I am.  I wonder about that also.

First and foremost, my post was a response to Julian's assertion that his video 
was, and almost, the sole "Marxist analysis" of the Ukraine conflict when in 
fact there's nothing Marxist about it all.  He argues conspiracy, ideology, 
geopolitical elements but produces zero arguments based on elements essential 
to Marxist analysis

Secondly, indeed an argument that is based on geopolitics. the prospects for 
"multipolariity", etc without linking those to the actions of classing, ruling 
and ruled, but in defense of Ukraine is equally non-Marxist.

In theory, it abolishes the right of self-determination in every case where 
both sides are capitalist.

More precisely it abolishes the separation of the right of self determination 
from the underlying class relations, the social content, that manifests itself, 
appears at a particular moment to be a "struggle for self-determination."   
Just as uneven and combined development determined that a successful "liberal 
democratic revolution" was/is impossible in the "less developed" nations, it 
determines that a) the right  of self-determination is the echo of an era that 
has been eclipsed   b) the attempts to maintain the classification  of  the 
underlying social struggle as one of self-determination must include a struggle 
against the development of independent working class program and action; a 
struggle against revolution.

Now in Bolivia (1954), Algeria, Angola, Mozambique, Viet Nam (1945, 1954, 
1975), China (1949) Chile (1973), Cuba (1959), the success of 
self-determination (the "democratic" moment) depended upon how deeply the 
revolution progressed and the social basis of production was transformed--and 
it took the remaining force of the Russian Revolution to effect those 
transformations. And where the revolution was interrupted- self-determination 
has been quickly absorbed and accommodated by capitalist reaction.

In 2003, was the mode of production different in the US and Iraq?

No, and for precisely that reason we have to find the roots of the conflict in 
the mechanisms of capitalist accumulation and through that find and develop a 
program, a path to independent, class based action. Otherwise we wind up with 
another bit of inconsistency--condemning Hussein the year, month, week, day 
before the attacks of 1991  or 2003, but defending the regime the day after as 
an expression of self-determination.  If however we trace 2003 to the decline 
in oil prices and profits in 2002, the overproduction of oil, the repeated 
attempts to drive Iraqi oil production off the market, we can oppose the 
imperial adventure without having to defend the existing regime.

We always oppose imperial expansion, but we don't have to endorse an Assad, or 
Khamenei, a Taliban, a Zelensky as "progressive."  Either there is an 
independent class-conscious element to be cultivated likewise independently and 
consciously or we find ourselves in the trick bag of urging one section of 
capitalists to finance, arm, conduct a war that takes its ultimate toll on the 
prospects for revolution.


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