John, Your points about unions are your strongest, but your argument is less convincing when you move from criticizing DSA’s international politics to calling DSA “complicit with fascism.” Michael’s numbers indicate that left-wing caucuses in DSA hold many seats on the National Political Committee and might even hold a majority. But having more seats does not always mean having real control. These caucuses are not a unified group, and the NPC gives a five-member Steering Committee some authority between meetings. The NPC now has 27 members: 25 elected and two YDSA co-chairs. To say “the left” runs DSA, we would need to know how people vote, which coalitions last, and who leads the steering committee. The International Committee deserves serious criticism. Too often, its approach to internationalism is just about opposing Washington and NATO, while paying less attention to Ukrainians, Syrians, and others who resist non-Western imperial powers. Its involvement in the Porto Alegre conference is a real concern, since that event included groups with very different, and sometimes apologetic, views on authoritarian states. DSA’s International Committee was one of the groups that endorsed the conference. But this involvement does not mean that DSA as a whole “defends Putin” or is “complicit with fascism.” DSA’s official statement clearly condemned Russia’s invasion, and its publications have included arguments for Russian withdrawal, Ukrainian resistance, and even Russia’s defeat. The group has mixed politics, not a single pro-Putin stance. Attending a mixed conference might show poor judgment or questionable alliances, but it does not prove that everyone there supports Putin or fascism. The accusation becomes so broad that it loses meaning. Your second point about DSA’s relationship with the trade-union bureaucracy is even more important. Any socialist group needs a clear policy on unions, their leaders, staff, and members. DSA often works with union leaders, especially to gain access, secure endorsements, or build alliances. There is a real risk that “labor work” becomes just networking with officials and staff rather than helping workers organize themselves. Still, saying “silence means assent” is not enough evidence. DSA officially supports a rank-and-file strategy that openly criticizes business unionism, bureaucratic control, and top-down reforms by staff. Its materials say the goal is to build democratic, member-led unions that can fight for workers, and they make it clear the approach is different from just working through union staff jobs. The sharper criticism is that DSA has a stated opposition to union bureaucracy. The real issue may be a growing gap between what it says about rank-and-file organizing and what it actually does. Does DSA support rank-and-file members when they challenge officials who are also DSA allies? Does it help members form independent groups, fight problematic contracts, and stand up to undemocratic leaders? Or does it avoid these fights in order to maintain good relations with union leaders? These questions about labor committees deserve more attention. Finally, I do not think the next independent working-class movement will come mainly from outside the unions. It might begin outside current union structures, but any real movement will need to reach into workplaces, organize new workers, and either change or move beyond the unions that exist now. The key issue is not whether it is inside or outside unions, but whether the movement is truly independent and not controlled by union leaders or the Democratic Party. That is the main issue the debate about DSA should focus on. -- Tony
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