There are two central issues which cannot be ignored if we wish to be
serious:

First: Internationalism has always been at the center of any group that
claims to be socialist. That is why we cannot dismiss the international
policies of DSA so easily, and it is undeniable that DSA's policies in
effect defend Putin. In doing so, they are complicit with fascism. That was
seen in the delegation DSA sent to the pro-Putin "International
anti-Fascist Conference" in Porto Alegre. That conference was not
anti-fascist at all. It was pro-Putin, as I pointed out in my article on
it. And since Putin is a central nexus for ethno-nationalists, all sorts of
bigots, and actual fascists, that means that the conference was complicit
with fascism, and DSA is part of the crowd.

A minority can almost always control the majority if that minority is
motivated, well organized and clear on its goals while the majority is not.
Whether the ultra left Putinized caucuses represent the views of the
majority or not I do not know, although my experience is that at least as
far as Putin and Russia they do. And in any case, I have not seen the the
more pragmatic wing show any real stomach for a political struggle over
these issues.

Second: I don't know how many of those who commented on this subject read
the actual article. However, the key point is this one: *'**The
“revolutionary” left inside DSA is opposed, to a degree, by the more
pragmatic wing. However, there is one issue upon which they both fully
agree – and upon which the entire Democratic Party agrees: That is support
for the bureaucracy that controls the unions. That bureaucracy rests on the
alienation that the great majority of the membership feels towards their
organizations – the unions – themselves. The key question is when, where
and through what dynamics will an independent movement of the working class
develop? At this point, it seems most likely that such a movement will
develop largely outside the unions, but it is impossible for it not to
sweep into its ranks a large layer of union members.'*
None of those who commented on my post commented on this issue - DSA's
pro-union bureaucracy policy.
Try as they might, DSA (or any socialist group) cannot organize within the
working class without having a policy regarding the unions. DSA's policy
can be understood by the fact that the bureaucracy has its lower level
representatives - the union staffers - in the local chapters' labor
committees (and probably elsewhere) and there is no raging debate with
those staffers. That can only mean one thing: DSA accepts the policies of
the union bureaucracy. Silence means assent, after all.

John Reimann


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