Re: Trump doubles down on his plan to steal the November election; where is the 
opposition?

Reimann says he is not proposing to wait for spontaneity, only stating 
perspectives. But in the tradition both of us come out of, a perspectives 
document has a fixed grammar: it moves from the objective situation to the 
tasks that follow from it. A perspective that ends without tasks is an invalid 
perspective. It is a mood. Reimann's ends with the Yellow Vests as "the best to 
be hoped for here." Hope is not a category of strategy. Whatever we call it, a 
prognosis whose active verb belongs to an eruption outside all existing 
organizations is a prognosis of spontaneity.

And the Yellow Vests are the wrong hope for this danger in particular. The 
movement is instructive for its limits. It had no durable organization, no 
anchor in production, no mechanism for political generalization, and it 
dissipated without conquest while the right fished in it. It could occupy 
roundabouts. It could not have stopped a seized count, because stopping a 
seized count requires a purchase on the state or on production, and it had 
neither. Only organized labor holds that lever. There is no route to the 
political strike that bypasses the unions, however bureaucratized; however 
alienated the members. If the American Yellow Vests are the ceiling, we have 
already conceded the fight I described.

On DSA, I fully trust Reimann's account. The controlled agendas, the pep rally 
conference, the campaign staff brushing off a man who has lived in the district 
since 1969, and the indifference to the Black working class of Oakland. All of 
it rings true, and all of it is damning. But the inference is wrong. The 
purpose of a resolution campaign is not to win the vote on first presentation, 
and it was never premised on the receptivity of the apparatus. It is premised 
on the existence of a rank and file the apparatus does not fully control. The 
point of forcing the question is polarization: to identify and cohere the 
minority who can be organized, the people who will actually staff the defense 
committees in November. That minority exists. The convention fights, the caucus 
debates, and the contested elections exist because members disagree with their 
leaderships. If Reimann's answer is that even this minority is a mirage, then 
the conclusion is not the Yellow Vests. The conclusion is that there is no 
subject at all, and perspective writing becomes a literary exercise.

The same holds for the unions. The alienation of members from the bureaucracy 
is the oldest fact in the American labor movement. It was true in 1933, on the 
eve of the greatest union upsurge in our history. The wildcat Reimann led in 
1999 is itself the proof that alienated members can move, and his expulsion is 
the proof that the bureaucracy fears them. Both prove the work is possible. 
Both prove it is contested. That is what work in a hostile terrain looks like.

Charles asked the right question: Who is organizing defense lines at the polls 
and escort of the tallies? David gave the right answer: the unions have the 
machinery. The only open question is the mechanism of pressure. Individuals 
writing letters to the internationals will be filed. Locals passing motions, 
CLC delegates raising the demand, and DSA branches forcing emergency meetings 
onto their leadership—these are at least channels. Miserable instruments, but 
they are the only ones that exist. The resolution is not a talisman. It is a 
sorting device. It finds the people.

Reimann diagnosed the vacuum. He now argues the vacuum cannot be filled. If 
both claims were true, the appropriate genre would be memoir, not perspectives. 
I accept the first and reject the second. Self-emancipation is not a bet that 
the class will move. It is the discipline of building where the class can move 
in advance, so that someone is present when it does.

--
Tony

--
Tony


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