Hi Marv: A small but perhaps very important distinction: (i) I do not say, or if I have said something sounding like it, it is/was not my intention - that the Trump admin *is now already fascist*. I have said, and continue to maintain that it is - if judged needed by the ruling class - going to make that attempt. It is tending to that.
Of course it is also not necessarily going to result in inevitable victory. Although to be clear, it is not easy now to see a force adequate to repel this. A lot of ink has already been spilt on this problem confronting us in the list. A couple of other quick comments, not necessarily to you - but to several assertions that I have noted were made over the last 6 days that I see on the list. Since I have been hiking over those days I carried no device with me. Apologies therefore, for my ramming in several ‘replies’ into one note. (ii) I believe that our own various writings have dealt before - with the spurious “fact” - that Trump and his party have not created a mass party a la Hitler’s Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP). First the MAGA movement has its own various elements of this already although not formed as such into a specific party formation. Second the ICE forms the Trump leadership has sharpened the already previously existing state force repression troops. Third, as Marx points out himself - history does not repeat itself in a facile manner. (iii) I also just wish to reinforce Mark B's points that Trump’s imperialist class policies does not fit a ‘Bonapartist” label. Mark makes the same point that I had made in a piece reprising Marx’s Brumaire. We are now talking about an advanced but archaic imperialist bourgeoisie state; and not as Marx was with an as yet not fully formed capitalist class structure including in its population a large peasantry. (iv) The picture is somehow painted that the Orleanists and the Bourbonists just simply could not agree and that Louis N - Bonaparte was somehow a 3rd ‘independent' factor that could sweep in and take power. But likely many would agree that it was not so simple. It was in the interests of both Orleanists and Bourbonists to have a minister of finance as appointed by the President - before the coup of Empire - who was a crook and a financier. L-N B and his minister Fould represented the joint interests of the financial and industrial bourgeoissie, as evidenced by Marx’s citations of wordings from the ‘Economist”: “… since Fould’s entry into the ministry the section of the commercial bourgeoisie which had held the lion’s share of power under Louis Philippe, namely, the aristocracy of finance, had become Bonapartist. Fould not only represented Bonaparte’s interests in the Bourse, he represented at the same time the interests of the Bourse before Bonaparte. The position of the aristocracy of finance is most strikingly depicted in a passage from its European organ, the London Economist. In the issue of February 1, 1851, its Paris correspondent writes: “Now we have it stated from numerous quarters that above all things France demands tranquillity. The President declares it in his message to the Legislative Assembly; it is echoed from the tribune; it is asserted in the journals; it is announced from the pulpit, it is demonstrated by the sensitiveness of the public funds at the least prospect of disturbance, and their firmness the instant it is made manifest that the executive is victorious.” In its issue of November 29, 1851, the Economist declares in its own name: “The President is the guardian of order, and is now recognized as such on every stock exchange of Europe.” Marx K, 18th Brumaire; Chapter 6 at MIA 18th Brumaire chapter 6;“ Cited section (3. (xxvii) The constitutional dilemma of the bourgeoisie in 1852 – the voice of the “commercial bourgeoise” at MLRG.online http://mlrg.online/history/marx-on-bonapartism-reading-notes-on-the-18th-brumaire-and-class-struggles-in-france/ (v) A quick comment on whether it matters or not as to what Marxist-Leninists call it. In many ways it does not, since a united front is urgently needed. The formation of this rightly forms another separate and important current strand on this list. However, I think it is incorrect to under-estimate our opponents. To that extent, and for historical accuracy - I believe that the categorisation does matter. (vi) Finally, I do not know that anyone on this lists is “fiddling while Washington burns”. What is happening is that all cmdes here are actively struggling with what an opposition to Trump looks like. That is not “fiddling”. It is searching for a solution - that is a political vehcie based on the class that can adequately respond to an imminent threat from Trump. The obvious response for probably the majority here, is that a mass party is needed of the left. That wish/need of all of us, is what drives the current discussions on what does the DSA hold in promise? We wrote in July 2025: "While it is evident that Mamdani’s idealism is not a viable political solution to the American situation, it is also problematic that some Marxist-Leninists condemn Mamdani outright." "http://mlrg.online/history/marx-on-bonapartism-reading-notes-on-the-18th-brumaire-and-class-struggles-in-france/ In my view, the rise of Mamdani is simply a barometer that both young and older people are looking for ways out. I don't think the sociology articles about Gen Z from the various papers have helped me much more. They will continue to look - and in that lies any hope for the organised left and Marxists. Cheers H -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. 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