Yang jelas Pak, obrolan soal neolib di media, membuat banyak orang awam jadi 
"belajar". 
Yg sayangnya, menurut saya, kalau tidak bisa dipilah2, bisa salah arah, karena 
selain cuma sepotong-potong, juga sudah tercampur pendapat pribadi. Akhirnya, 
ya seperti saya... semakin ga mudeng, tidak jelas. 

salam,
nita



________________________________
From: Nuzul Achjar <[email protected]>
To: [email protected]
Sent: Monday, May 25, 2009 23:45:03
Subject: Re: [referensi] Re: Tanggapan Faisal Basri ttg Neoliberalisme





Rekan-rekan Referensiers Yth,
 
Seru juga mengamati perang argumentasi di media tentang neoliberalism. Satu hal 
yang dapat diamati, argument dan counter argument kayaknya sama-sama terjebak 
retorika, pakai hantu-hantuan segala he he he. 
 
Saya tidak ingin terjebak pada salah benar ideologi ekonomi dan politik yang 
dianut, mungkin bagus juga melihat apa sih ciri dari konsep, discource atau 
ideologi neoliberalisme itu. Memang diperlukan kejujuran kita untuk 
menjawabnya, jangan dulu bicara salah atau benar. Kalau bicara salah benar 
nanti kita kaji lagi sejarah perkembangan demokrasi dan kebijakan ekonomi di 
Cile di bawah Allende dan Pinochet. Discource neoliberalism  banyak muncul pada 
era Pinochet yang membawa teknokrat dengan julukan "Chicago Boys".Dengan ciri- 
ciri yang saya posting berikut ini, saya harus berani mengatakan ciri-ciri 
neoliberalisme itu di Indonesia. Sekali lagi bukan soal salah benar...nggak 
usah dululah bicara apakh ciri-ciri tersebut sesuai dengan konstitusi kita, UUD 
45.
 
Salam prihatin atas debat neoliberalism yang tak jelas junstrungannya
 
Nuzul Achjar
 
 
CIRI-CIRI NEOLIBERALISME (sebagai ideologi, konsep, wacana, dsb)
 
Sumber: Nef, Jorge and W. Robles (2000 ). Globalization, Neoliberalism, and the 
State of Underdevelopment in the New Periphery. Journal of Development Studies 
16(.1)
 
……………………………
Beyond this political and economic philosophy, the neoliberal package is best 
known for the simplicity of its formula. This recipe, which economic experts in 
bilateral and multilateral agencies actively encourage, contains six major 
interconnected policy recommendations.
 
1) The first is re-establishing the rule of the market. This means liberating 
private enterprise from the “artificial” bonds imposed by governments. It also 
involves greater openness to international trade and investment. In the labour 
front, wages are made competitive by de-unionizing workers and eliminating 
“artificial barriers” such as workers’ rights, minimum wages and the like. The 
elimination of price controls allows the market to . nd its own equilibrium. 
Last, but not least, currency controls, tariff barriers, and other impediments 
to free trade are phased
out, and, if possible, eliminated. All in all, total freedom of movement for 
capital, goods, and services (but not labour) is to be attained. A central 
postulate in market sovereignty is that an unregulated market is the best way 
to increase economic growth, which will ultimately bene. t everyone: 
“supply-side” economics would produce “trickle-down.”
 
2) The second prescription is reducing taxes. Public revenues, especially 
direct taxation on income and wealth are to be drastically cut down. This is 
geared to increase disposable earnings among the well-to-do, resulting in a 
favorable investment climate. Conversely, taxation on consumption, or indirect 
taxation is boosted, especially in the form of value added or goods and 
services taxes (VATand GST). These policies are clearly set to benefit big 
business and are essentially anti-labour and anti-consumer. They also reduce 
the fisscal base of government.
 
3) The third is reducing public expenditure. Social disbursements , including 
welfare assistance, education, health care, unemployment insurance, and 
pensions are considered inimical to economic ef. ciency. The same goes for 
social safety nets and even the maintenance of physical infrastructure such as 
roads, bridges, water supply, and other services. Whenever possible these 
activities are to be taken over by “revenue generating” private enterprises. 
Pro. tability, not service is the main criteria.
 
4) The fourth recommendation is deregulating the private sector. Government 
regulation of everything that could diminish private pro. ts is to be 
drastically reduced. In principle, deregulation is geared to enhancing 
competitiveness , eliminating red tape, bureaucratism, and corruption. As 
markets become the automatic comptrollers, greater ef. ciency is supposed to 
ensue.
 
5) The . fth is the privatization of the public sector. State-owned 
enterprises, as well as public-sector produced goods and services are to be 
sold to private investors. This includes banks, key industries, railroads, 
highways, energy, water and communications utilities, schools, hospitals, and 
even natural resources. The assumption here is that private enterprise, driven 
by pro. t-maximization, is inherently ef. cient, risk-taking and innovative.
 
6) Finally is the elimination of the collectivist concept of the “public good.” 
This is to be replaced with a view of the common good emphasizing “individual 
responsibility.” The subsidiary state has a minimal role to play in dealing 
with individual “failures.” Thus, those who are not able to fend for themselves 
are blamed for their own problems and left largely on their own to solve them.
 
 
 
 
   


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