Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Robert Justin Lipkin
  The recent thread concerning the change in the LDS Church regarding polygamy--and let's be precise, it was polygamy not merely plural marriages-raises critically important questions about constitutional, moral, political, social, and personal change. (For example, change is central to the identity of traditions upon which constitutional law, in some sense, rests.) One might describe these questions more generally as questions about theoretical and practical change--changes in judgments (beliefs, convictions, positions, and so forth) as well as changes in conduct (action, intention, decision, and so forth). Some of the important questions in this domain are: (1) What counts as a change? (a) Must the change be self-conscious? (b) Must it be permanent or at least intended to be permanent? (c) If permanence, or the intent to be permanent, is required, how do we know when such a change is permanent? If so, how do we acquire this knowledge? (2) In institutional contexts, who speaks for the institution? Its leaders? The members? (a) What happens if leaders and members disagree? (b) Must there be a process which serves as both a necessary and sufficient condition for institutional change? (c) Is so, shouldn't we conclude that non-canonical changes suggest a change in the institution, not just its judgments or conduct? 

 I do not think the above exhausts all possibilities; indeed, I'm pretty certain additional questions will easily come to mind. One final point about the LDS Church and polygamy: Many different conceptions of change are possible, but I would suggest that restrictive conceptions of change--for example conceptions requiring that the change (or the intent to change) be permanent --unduly distort the critically important phenomenon of change, and therefore, hamper our understanding how people and institutions operate. 

Bobby Lipkin
Widener University School of Law
Delaware


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Frank Cross
I don't see how one can argue that the LDS church hasn't changed its
religious views on polygamy.  We know that they now excommunicate someone
for engaging in polygamy.

To say that this was just a concession to civil authority is pretty
demeaning to the church, I think, suggesting that they would so greatly
compromise their religious beliefs to this degree to civil authority.
Perhaps they would accept the law as against their beliefs but if those
beliefs are sincere they would not aggressively enforce the law.  The law
certainly didn't require that they excommunicate those who practiced polygamy.

Also, to Paul Finkelman, how do you compel polygamy?  Do you punish men for
having only one wife?






Frank Cross
Herbert D. Kelleher Centennial Professor of Business Law
CBA 5.202
University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX 78712


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Tom Grey
The LDS Church might believe in both 1] polygamy and 2] subordination to
legitimate civil authority as religious requirements. Then if these came
into conflict, some resolution would have to be reached, and it might give
precedence to subordination. I take it this is the thrust of Nelson Lund's
suggestion -- as distinguished from the more descriptive Realist  point
that religious authorities might be expected to bow to secular pressures,
and then to bounce back when those pressures eased.

On subordination to civil authority, here's a snippet from a 1987 address
by Dallin Oaks expounding the Mormon doctrine that the U.S. Constitution is
divinely inspired (a doctrine I recall being questioned on when I gave a
talk at BYU Law School some years back.) See
http://saugus.byu.edu/publications/oaks.htm

   U.S. citizens have an inspired Constitution, and therefore, what? Does
   the belief that the U.S. Constitution is divinely inspired affect
   citizens' behavior toward law and government? It should and it does.


   U.S. citizens should follow the First Presidency's counsel to study the
   Constitution.17 They should be familiar with its great fundamentals; the
   separation of powers, the individual guarantees in the Bill of Rights,
   the structure of federalism, the sovereignty of the people, and the
   principles of the rule of the law. They should oppose any infringement
   of these inspired fundamentals.


   They should be law-abiding citizens, supportive of national, state, and
   local governments. The 12th Article of Faith declares:


   We believe in being subject to kings, presidents, rulers, and
   magistrates, in obeying, honoring, and sustaining the law.


   The Church's official declaration of belief states:


 We believe that governments were instituted of God for the benefit
 of man; and that he holds men accountable for their acts in
 relation to them. . . .
 We believe that all men are bound to sustain and uphold the
 respective governments in which they reside. (DC 134:1, 5)



Tom Grey
Stanford Law School
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I don't see how one can argue that the LDS church hasn't changed its
religious views on polygamy.  We know that they now excommunicate someone
for engaging in polygamy.

To say that this was just a concession to civil authority is pretty
demeaning to the church, I think, suggesting that they would so greatly
compromise their religious beliefs to this degree to civil authority.
Perhaps they would accept the law as against their beliefs but if those
beliefs are sincere they would not aggressively enforce the law.  The law
certainly didn't require that they excommunicate those who practiced
polygamy.

Also, to Paul Finkelman, how do you compel polygamy?  Do you punish men for
having only one wife?






Frank Cross
Herbert D. Kelleher Centennial Professor of Business Law
CBA 5.202
University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX 78712


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Frank Cross
Re Marci Hamilton and Tom Grey's point:

I recognize very well that religions could with integrity choose to comply
with civil society and even be
informed by civil society in their beliefs.

However, if the LDS thought that polygamy was religiously compelled and
then, in the face of government opposition, not only agreed to give up
polygamy but also excommunicated those who disagreed, they are going far
beyond the demands of civil society.
I think the LDS take the position that there change was a sincere change in
belief, not merely a compromise with civil authority.

Frank Cross
Herbert D. Kelleher Centennial Professor of Business Law
CBA 5.202
University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX 78712


Re: Nevada Supreme Court federal action

2003-07-16 Thread Edward A Hartnett
I agree that Coleman, although alive, has been pushed into a corner by
Raines.  And I acknowledge that it may be still further narrowed to
situations involving US Supreme Court review of state court judgments where
the state court has recognized legislative standing -- and therefore not
applicable to the case filed in federal district court.

Why, then, do I call legislators the best plaintiffs (apart from the Rooker
Feldman problem)?  It isn't because I think that they have an easy case,
but rather that I don't see how the other plaintiffs are in a better
position.   In your view, who is a better plaintiff?

The claim by voters seems more attenuated than the claim by legislators --
indeed, if seems derivative of the legislator's claims.  Isn't the essence
of  the voters' claim that their own votes have been diluted because the
votes of their representatives in the legislature have been nullified by an
illegal vote-counting rule?  (There is also a claim that those who voted
for the constitutional amendment imposing the 2/3 voting requirement have
had their votes diluted and nullified; are they the best plaintiffs?)

The claim by taxpayers seems premature, at least until the bill is passed
by both Houses and signed by the Governor.  And even then, wouldn't the Tax
Injunction Act bar the federal district court's jurisdiction over their
claim, at least so long as Nevada allows them either to resist a state tax
enforcement action or to pay the tax and file for a refund on the ground
that the tax has been illegally imposed?

Am I missing something?

The more I think about the Nevada Court's decision, the more troubled I am.
Suppose the political positions in the state government were reversed, and
the legislature kept passing tax bills that were vetoed by the Governor,
but lacked the supermajority required to overcome the veto.  See Nevada
Constitution, Art. IV, section 35.  Should the procedural obstacle of a
gubernatorial veto or a supermajority requirement to overcome it give way
to the substantive obligation to fund a particular government expense?  How
about if the House and the Governor supported a bill, but the impediment
was the Senate?  Should the procedural requirement of bicameralism be
dispensed with? None of this necessarily means that there is a
violation of the federal constitution afoot, but is anyone willing to
defend the decision as a matter of state constitutional law?

As Congressman John Dingell once said, I'll let you write the substance .
. . and you let me write the procedure, and I'll screw you every time.

Ed Hartnett
Seton Hall


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread VanL
Frank Cross wrote:

However, if the LDS thought that polygamy was religiously compelled and
then, in the face of government opposition, not only agreed to give up
polygamy but also excommunicated those who disagreed, they are going far
beyond the demands of civil society.
I think the LDS take the position that there change was a sincere change in
belief, not merely a compromise with civil authority.
According to my understanding of LDS theology, the president of the LDS
church is not just a leader, but is also revered as a prophet, seer,
and revelator, uniquely empowered to make the will of God known to the
church.  This includes situations where a revelation from God has
discontinued a former practice of the church.  (Cf. the role of Peter in
the New Testament Church, especially with regard to the revelation
allowing the preaching of the gospel to the gentiles in Acts 10.)  Thus
the current doctrine of the LDS church is determined not by the
historical teachings of the church -- which are still upheld as right
for their time -- but by the current teachings of the church, which are
considered right for the current time.
Thus, as I understand it, the political pressure was probably the
catalyst that caused the president of the church to inquire of God, but
once the revelation was received, the new teaching was based on a
sincere change in belief that God had authorized the new doctrine.


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Robert Justin Lipkin
In a message dated 7/16/2003 11:56:45 AM Eastern Daylight Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

The LDS Church might believe in both 1] polygamy and 2] subordination to
legitimate civil authority as religious requirements. Then if these came
into conflict, some resolution would have to be reached, and it might give
precedence to subordination

 If Tom's characterization is correct, the distinction between retaining religious beliefs and accommodating American law vanishes as a contrast between religion and secularity. Instead, this conflict is a religious conflict which must be settled internally to the religion. If the LDS Church changes from (1) to (2), its view remains the same only in the sense that either view (in conjunction with the canonical method for ranking them) is religiously sanctioned. There is nonetheless a change in the prohibitions members of the Church are obligated to follow. 

Bobby Lipkin
Widener University School of Law
Delaware


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Nelson Lund
Tom Grey wrote:

 The LDS Church might believe in both 1] polygamy and 2] subordination to
 legitimate civil authority as religious requirements. Then if these came
 into conflict, some resolution would have to be reached, and it might give
 precedence to subordination. I take it this is the thrust of Nelson Lund's
 suggestion . . .



Exactly right, both as a summary of my suggestion and as a synopsis of
the actual evidence that this thread has generated.

Nelson Lund


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Sanford Levinson
A follow-up on my comment that I have little doubt that the
 Church of LDS would have maintained polygamy had the
 surrounding culture been more tolerant.
At a conference I was at last year, a distinguished LDS law professor said
that the basis of the revelation was the Prophet's being told that members
of LDS had proven their devotion to God by the suffering they underwent
because of their fidelity to the norm of polygamy.  Having demonstrated
their mettle, they were relieved from its obligation (and the risk of
continued persecution).  I'm not identifying the scholar because this is my
recollection, and I don't want to put words in his mouth about an issue of
such theological (and practical) importance  If I am correct in my
recollection, though, then it does seem that one could confidently say,
even if one accepts the possibility of revelation, that no such revelation
would have been delivered had persecution not been attached to the practice
of polygamy.
sandy


Re: Agenda and persecution of Mormons

2003-07-16 Thread Sanford Levinson
Frank Cross asks:

Would it count as evidence against this thesis if the LDS church rejected
polygamy even in nations where the practice is legal?
The initial challenge is explaining the change in LDS position in 1890, and
I think there's not doubt that it was sparked by the persecution it was
receiving from the US.  I presume that in the intervening 110 years, the
ban on polygamy has taken on a considerably stronger valence, so I don't
see that LDS practices in those countries where polygamy is legal
(primarily Moslem countries where, I suspect, the LDS missionaries are most
unwelcome in any event) would count as evidence for what triggered the
initial event in the US in 1890, when the Church was restricted, I presume,
almost entirely to the US.
sandy


Re: Justice Kennedy's Libertarian Revolution

2003-07-16 Thread Tom Grey
I did some research on ante-bellum notions of due process and law of the
land some years ago, never published, but the upshot was consistent with
what Mark says. The standard modern view captured by Ely's remark about
substantive due process being like green pastel redness or whatever is
an anachronism.

It wasn't so much that the no A to B and related outcomes were
characterized as substantive rather than procedural -- it was that the
substance/procedure distinction, so fundamental to us, wasn't widely
familiar until the late 19th century. There were not well-recognized
categories of substantive law and procedure until Bentham's analytical
jurisprudence, and the related procedural reforms (with the single civil
action meant to be transsubstantive) got well-established in the
professional discourse, which happened mostly after the Civil War, and even
then took a while to sink in. The much older and still-familiar
right-remedy distinction is quite different -- remedies fall on the
substantive law side of the Benthamite substance/procedure split.

It's worth noting that there's an easy translation of the ante-bellum due
process law into our categories, by way of separation of powers. A statute
conveying Blackacre from A to B deprives A of property without due process
of law -- even if A has a right to a judicial trial on the issues whether
the claimant is B and the land is Blackacre -- because legislatures can
only legislate, and a bare decree like that isn't properly legislation.
This is the tack Corwin took in his early 20th C articles on the
ante-bellum case law, which allowed him to call most of those cases
procedural due process and (in good Progressive fashion) to stigmatize
substantive due process as a late and illegitimate arrival on the scene,
starting only with Dred Scott and with the NY case of Wynhamer in the late
1850s. But the ante-bellum lawyers and judges didn't feel any need to fit
their arguments to a substance vs. procedure template and as I recall, none
of them did so. I don't believe in all the contemporary attacks on Taney's
Dred Scott opinion you'll find anything about it evading the limit of the
due process clause to matters of procedure.

Tom Grey
Stanford Law School
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A fairly decent amount of research, IMHO, has demonstrated that due process
was, contra Ely, historically understood as having substantive content.
The classic violation of due process being a law that transferred title
from A to B.  Orth's book on Due Process is good on this.  See also,
Gillman, THE CONSTITUTION BESIEGED, James Ely's work and my Naked Land
Transfers, in Vanderbilt 2000.

Mark A. Graber


Re: Statutory rape laws

2003-07-16 Thread Mitchell Berman

I know this is well-worn ground, but I'd be grateful for some
elaboration, from Ann or others, on what distinguishes those stereotypes
upon which the state may not rely from those generalizations upon which
states and courts may -- indeed, must -- rely in order to carry out any
inquiry into the closeness of fit between means and ends. And is
the critical constitutional line thought to run between stereotype (bad)
and generality (okay) or between stereotypes like this (bad)
and stereotypes of some other sort (okay)? 
I'm not disagreeing with Ann's claim below, just wondering whether the
line is something more than we know the difference when we see
it.
Mitch

At 05:01 PM 7/15/2003 -0500, you
wrote:

the empirical sense that girls are more likely to be
reluctant participants than boys, and thus more likely to be emotionally
hurt by relationships gone bad (as relationships often do) -- does appear
greater than the danger to boys.


I don't see how, after U.S. v. Virginia and the recent Nevada v. Hibbs, a
court can rely on a stereotype like this, no matter how accurate it is as
a generality.
Ann