[EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,

after having presented Condorcet elections to some people in the Czech green
party, the following question came up.
Condorcet elections might work with three candidates, but what about if
there are twenty of them, will the system work and elect the best candidate?

Q1: What would you answer for Condorcet elections in general and
Schulze-method elections in particular?
Q2: Specifically, would you recommend a two-round construct, i.e. the three
best candidates (or x best?) meet in the second round.
Q3: Would such a two-round system help to deal with the case of the "dark
horse" winning with long beat-paths and people being dissatisfied with the
election?
Q4: If yes, how many candidates should be in the second round and how should
they be selected (Schulze ranking?)?

One such mis-election with dissatisfied voters would be enough to discredit
Condorcet elections in our party and two-round elections might give an
additional sense of security for some voters in the face of a novel and
fairly complex election system. In the Czech republic we currently use
two-round elections.
However, if two round Condorcet elections bring no additional value, then
there is no need to complicate an elegant election system.

Thanks for your advice.

Best regards
Peter Zborník

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[EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hello,

The last thing I did with my simulation is check whether on average a
candidate would prefer to have withdrawn (considering the results of
thousands of trials of one position) than stand, with the assumption that
they care what happens when they lose. (I'm not sure that's actually a
good assumption: It would be better to assume the voters are the ones who
care, and don't support a candidate who spoils the election.)

I got odd results. It could very well be a bug. But for example I found
that (sincere) FPP had very few scenarios where a candidate would prefer
to exit the race. Maybe it's because I had filtered out uncompetitive
elections. But, even if FPP can handle some three-way races doesn't mean
that we can score FPP based on them, with the assumption that they will
occur.

That seems like a big problem with my simulation, that there are always
three candidates, and no check for incentives for more or fewer to be
nominated.

Over the past couple of years I've made a couple attempts at writing a
nomination simulation, where candidates in turn decide whether they want
to stand somewhere else in issue space. To this I could add the 
possibility of exiting or entering the race. I've had problems getting
this simulation to work well at all, but assuming I could figure it out,
I might be able to discover specific stable situations for a given method
(with a given strategy and information availability).

Though this still would not (easily) give me probabilities of scenarios
occuring. I guess for each method I would have a fairly short list of
stable positions, and could find average utilities for each position.

I'm curious if anyone else has put thought into this topic...

Kevin Venzke



  

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Re: [EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Peter,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
>Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,
> 
>after having presented Condorcet elections to some people in the Czech 
>green party, the following question came up.
>Condorcet elections might work with three candidates, but what about if 
>there are twenty of them, will the system work and elect the best 
>candidate?

In my opinion, in theory, Schulze performs exactly as well with many as
with few candidates.

>Q1: What would you answer for Condorcet elections in general and Schulze-
>method elections in particular?

I would not say Condorcet in general is excellent at this, but Condorcet
fans tend to prefer methods that don't break when you have many candidates.

>Q2: Specifically, would you recommend a two-round construct, i.e. the 
>three best candidates (or x best?) meet in the second round. 

The only reason I would recommend something like this is if you expect
that voters may not be familiar with the strongest candidates. If voters
do not obtain *new* knowledge between rounds, and their preferences don't
change, then the pairwise contests among them are going to be exactly
the same, and the Schulze result would most likely be the same.

>Q3: Would such a two-round system help to deal with the case of the "dark 
>horse" winning with long beat-paths and people being dissatisfied with 
>the election?

If the "dark horse" can win in this way (more likely: he wins because
everyone gives him a mid-range preference and he defeats everyone) he will
most likely still win when you eliminate all but a few candidates. So
again, a second round only makes a difference if the voters are supposed
to get new information and change their preferences.

The ordinary two-round method is different from this because when you
eliminate candidates, the "best" candidate could very easily change, since
it's all based (in theory) on who is everyone's favorite candidate.

Kevin Venzke



  

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Re: [EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Hi Kevin,

thanks for your view on the topic.
In election-theoretic language, what criterion is used to describe, that a
method performs as well with many as with few candidates?
There is a list of criterias in the table at:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schulze_method#Comparison_with_other_preferential_single-winner_election_methods,
but I don't know which it is (clone-independence? Maybe some other criterion
too?).

Peter


On 6/16/10, Kevin Venzke  wrote:
>
> Hi Peter,
>
> --- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
> >Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,
> >
> >after having presented Condorcet elections to some people in the Czech
> >green party, the following question came up.
> >Condorcet elections might work with three candidates, but what about if
> >there are twenty of them, will the system work and elect the best
> >candidate?
>
> In my opinion, in theory, Schulze performs exactly as well with many as
> with few candidates.
>
> >Q1: What would you answer for Condorcet elections in general and Schulze-
> >method elections in particular?
>
> I would not say Condorcet in general is excellent at this, but Condorcet
> fans tend to prefer methods that don't break when you have many candidates.
>
> >Q2: Specifically, would you recommend a two-round construct, i.e. the
> >three best candidates (or x best?) meet in the second round.
>
> The only reason I would recommend something like this is if you expect
> that voters may not be familiar with the strongest candidates. If voters
> do not obtain *new* knowledge between rounds, and their preferences don't
> change, then the pairwise contests among them are going to be exactly
> the same, and the Schulze result would most likely be the same.
>
> >Q3: Would such a two-round system help to deal with the case of the "dark
> >horse" winning with long beat-paths and people being dissatisfied with
> >the election?
>
> If the "dark horse" can win in this way (more likely: he wins because
> everyone gives him a mid-range preference and he defeats everyone) he will
> most likely still win when you eliminate all but a few candidates. So
> again, a second round only makes a difference if the voters are supposed
> to get new information and change their preferences.
>
> The ordinary two-round method is different from this because when you
> eliminate candidates, the "best" candidate could very easily change, since
> it's all based (in theory) on who is everyone's favorite candidate.
>
> Kevin Venzke
>
>
>
>
> 
> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
>

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Re: [EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Peter,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
>thanks for your view on the topic.
>In election-theoretic language, what criterion is used to describe, that a 
>method performs as well with many as with few candidates?
>There is a list of criterias in the table 
>at:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schulze_method#Comparison_with_other_prefer
>ential_single-winner_election_methods, but I don't know which it is (clone-
>independence? Maybe some other criterion too?).

Unfortunately this is a difficult criterion to try to define. Independence 
of clones is probably the best one. It says performance won't degrade
by cloning candidates or consolidating a set of clones into one candidate.
But it doesn't say anything about what happens if you just add a lot of
unrelated candidates.

Actually the criterion there called "Independence of Smith-dominated
alternatives" is helpful also as it means that every candidate in the
election either has a beatpath to every other candidate, or else has
no effect on the outcome.

Kevin Venzke



  

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Re: [EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread Juho

On Jun 16, 2010, at 4:34 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:


Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,

after having presented Condorcet elections to some people in the  
Czech green party, the following question came up.
Condorcet elections might work with three candidates, but what about  
if there are twenty of them, will the system work and elect the best  
candidate?


Condorcet methods work quite as well with more than three candidates.  
Some problems even get smaller when the number of candidates increases  
(maybe majority of them???).




Q1: What would you answer for Condorcet elections in general and  
Schulze-method elections in particular?


Different Condorcet methods are very similar in real life elections.  
The first thing that might cause different results when compared to  
some other methods is that the Schulze method uses winning votes to  
determine the strength of pairwise preferences. Other characteristic  
features of the Schulze method are that in case of a top level cycle  
it uses uses beatpaths and always elects from the Smith set. The  
difference to other common Condorcet methods is quite marginal here.


In general the answers from practical elections point of view are very  
similar to all Condorcet methods. Different Condorcet methods meet  
different criteria and give different results in some specific  
examples. These properties can be used to promote one method or  
another, or oppose them, but as already said, from practical elections  
point of view the differences are very small.


Q2: Specifically, would you recommend a two-round construct, i.e.  
the three best candidates (or x best?) meet in the second round.


No, Condorcet methods can handle all this in one round. I can  
understand that if people are used to having two rounds then it would  
be nice to first see who the leaders are and what other voters were  
thinking, and only then make the final decisions. One could handle  
this as well by arranging first a test election (or one or more polls)  
and then the final round that would include all the candidates. If  
there are very many candidates then it might be practical if some of  
them would not participate in the final round (to ease the task of  
voting), but I don't see any other reasons for arranging the final  
round with few candidates only.


(Multiple rounds make strategic voting slightly easier but I don't  
expect strategic voting to be a problem if the number of voters is  
higher than say 10.)


Q3: Would such a two-round system help to deal with the case of the  
"dark horse" winning with long beat-paths and people being  
dissatisfied with the election?


I don't think so. Condorcet methods allow also candidates that do not  
have high number of first preferences to win. I.e. also good  
compromise candidates from smaller groupings do have a chance if the  
supporters of the largest groupings generally like that candidate and  
rank her second after their own candidate. Other kind of "dark horses"  
are probably not a problem. They could be a problem only if the voters  
start doing something irrational in wide scale, like ranking some bad  
candidates above all the serious candidates. Strategic voting could be  
one more way to try to introduce "black horses", but I don't believe  
that to be a problem, and second round would not help.


Q4: If yes, how many candidates should be in the second round and  
how should they be selected (Schulze ranking?)?


(I said "no" but...) Any proportional ranking based approach would be  
fair in the sense that it would pick candidates from all segments of  
the party. But that would work also against the target of electing a  
candidate that all like. And in that process one could also eliminate  
some candidate that would be the winner at the second round (assuming  
that opinions would change a bit and the first ranked (Schulze  
ranking) candidate would not win). Therefore it would be more natural  
to pick candidates that got good (single-winner) Condorcet results at  
the first round. This approach could look a bit biased sine the  
centrist / "liked by all" candidates would be over-represented. So, if  
there are not too many candidates, maybe better to keep all of them  
also at the final round. Keeping them all may also give more complete/ 
accurate information on how liked each one of them is.




One such mis-election with dissatisfied voters would be enough to  
discredit Condorcet elections in our party and two-round elections  
might give an additional sense of security for some voters in the  
face of a novel and fairly complex election system. In the Czech  
republic we currently use two-round elections.
However, if two round Condorcet elections bring no additional value,  
then there is no need to complicate an elegant election system.


Yes, I can understand that people that are used to a two-round method  
may feel like being surprised if the method elects someone already at  
the first round, especiall

Re: [EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread robert bristow-johnson


On Jun 16, 2010, at 9:34 AM, Peter Zbornik wrote:

after having presented Condorcet elections to some people in the  
Czech green party, the following question came up.
Condorcet elections might work with three candidates, but what about  
if there are twenty of them, will the system work and elect the best  
candidate?


one serious problem that *any* ranked-order system has is if there are  
more candidates than ranking levels on the ballot.  it means that  
after you rank your top, say, five candidates, you have no ability to  
weigh in on the rest of the candidates and it might be one of those  
candidates who ends up battling against another of the unranked  
candidates.  all unranked candidates are essentially tied for last  
place and you are prevented from ranking Satan or Beelzebub or Hitler  
lower than a dozen other candidates that you might not care so much  
about.


i think that ballot access rules, that limit the number of candidates  
to around the number of ranking levels, is the answer.




Q1: What would you answer for Condorcet elections in general and  
Schulze-method elections in particular?
Q2: Specifically, would you recommend a two-round construct, i.e.  
the three best candidates (or x best?) meet in the second round.
Q3: Would such a two-round system help to deal with the case of the  
"dark horse" winning with long beat-paths and people being  
dissatisfied with the election?


i am less concerned about the DH problem than many here are.  if  
Liberals rank the DH above the Conservative candidate, it means they  
like the DH better.  if Conservatives rank the DH above the Liberal,  
it means they like the DH better than the Liberal.  if the DH ends up  
winning with very few first choice votes, then the DH may very well be  
the most acceptable compromise candidate over either or any of the  
polarized candidates that have more first choice support.


remember, assuming a Condorcet winner exists, electing *anyone* other  
than the Condorcet winner means that you are electing someone when a  
majority of voters have agreed that some other specific candidate is  
better and have explicitly marked their ballots as so.  you can call  
that specific candidate that the majority of voters preferred a "Dark  
Horse", but that's just a label.  the fact is that candidate is still  
preferred by a majority of voters over any other specific candidate.   
if you are taking the stated preferences of the voters at face value,  
how can you decide on anyone else and call that election reflective of  
the will of the voters?


now, if *no* Condorcet winner exists, then that's a different story.   
perhaps (instead of Schulze) electing the Smith set candidate with the  
most first-choice votes might prevent the Dark Horse from winning, but  
i think that the Schulze winner is a better choice (if they happen to  
be different).


Q4: If yes, how many candidates should be in the second round and  
how should they be selected (Schulze ranking?)?


i dunno about a party election, but in a general election one of the  
main problems is that only a fraction (around 50%) of the original  
voters show up for the second-round runoff.  that's one of the main  
reasons for settling the election on a single Election Day.


--

r b-j  r...@audioimagination.com

"Imagination is more important than knowledge."





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Re: [EM] Condocet with many candidates - two round elections considered

2010-06-16 Thread Juho
All common Condorcet methods work fine also with multiple candidates  
(although not all methods meet exactly the same criteria). The first  
problem are probably human behaviour related, i.e. people start hating  
the voting process if it is too tedious, and they may not rank all  
relevant candidates, and that may lead to some distortion in the  
results.


Juho



On Jun 16, 2010, at 5:51 PM, Kevin Venzke wrote:


Hi Peter,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a  
écrit :

thanks for your view on the topic.
In election-theoretic language, what criterion is used to describe,  
that a

method performs as well with many as with few candidates?
There is a list of criterias in the table
at:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schulze_method#Comparison_with_other_prefer
ential_single-winner_election_methods, but I don't know which it is  
(clone-

independence? Maybe some other criterion too?).


Unfortunately this is a difficult criterion to try to define.  
Independence

of clones is probably the best one. It says performance won't degrade
by cloning candidates or consolidating a set of clones into one  
candidate.
But it doesn't say anything about what happens if you just add a lot  
of

unrelated candidates.

Actually the criterion there called "Independence of Smith-dominated
alternatives" is helpful also as it means that every candidate in the
election either has a beatpath to every other candidate, or else has
no effect on the outcome.

Kevin Venzke





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list info



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[EM] Irrelevant Ballots Independent Fallback Approval (IBIFA)

2010-06-16 Thread Chris Benham
 "Irrelevant Ballots Independent Fallback Approval" (IBIFA) is the name I've 
settled on for the method I proposed
in a May 2010 EM post titled "Bucklin-like method meeting Favorite Betrayal and 
Irrelevant Ballots".

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2010-May/026479.html

In that post I wrote that it uses multi-slot ratings ballots, and defined the 
4-slot version:


*Voters fill out 4-slot ratings ballots, rating each candidate as either Top, 
Middle1, Middle2
>or Bottom. Default rating is Bottom, signifying least preferred and unapproved.
>
>
>Any rating above Bottom is interpreted as Approval.
>
>
>If any candidate/s X has a Top-Ratings score that is higher than any other 
>candidate's approval
>score on ballots that don't top-rate X, elect the X with the highest TR score.
>
>
>Otherwise, if any candidate/s X has a Top+Middle1 score that is higher than 
>any other candidate's
>approval score on ballots that don't give X a Top or Middle1 rating, elect the 
>X with the highest
>Top+Middle1 score.
>
>
>Otherwise, elect the candidate with the highest Approval score.*(Obviously 
>other slot names are possible, such as 3 2 1 0 or  A B C D or  Top, High 
>Middle, Low Middle, Bottom.)

The 3-slot version:


*Voters fill out 3-slot ratings ballots, rating each candidate as either Top, 
Middle
>or Bottom. Default rating is Bottom, signifying least preferred and unapproved.
>
>Any rating above Bottom is interpreted as Approval.
>
>If any candidate/s X has a Top-Ratings score that is higher than any other 
>candidate's approval
>score on ballots that don't top-rate X, elect the X with the highest TR score.
>
>Otherwise, elect the candidate with the highest Approval score.*
>

It can also be adapted for use with ranked ballots:


*Voters rank the candidates, beginning with those they most prefer. 
Equal-ranking and truncation
are allowed.

Ranking above at least one other candidate is interpreted as Approval.

The ballots are interpreted as multi-slot ratings ballots thus:
An approved candidate ranked below zero other candidates is interpreted as 
Top-Rated.
An approved candidate ranked below one other candidate is interpreted as being 
in the second-highest
ratings slot.
An approved candidate ranked below two other candidates is interpreted as being 
in the third-highest
ratings slot (even if this means the second-highest ratings slot is left empty).
An approved candidate ranked below three other candidates is interpreted as 
being in the fourth-highest
ratings slot (even if this means that a higher ratings slot is left empty).

And so on.
 

Say we label these ratings slot from the top A B C D etc. 
A candidate X's A score is the number of ballots on which it is A rated. 
A candidate X's A+B score is the number of ballots on which it is rated A or B.
A candidate X's A+B+C score is the number of ballots on which it is rated A or 
B or C.
And so on.


If any candidate X has an A score  that is greater than any other candidate's 
approval score on ballots
that don't A-rate X, then elect the X with the greatest A score.

Otherwise, if any candidate X has an A+B score that is greater than any other 
candidate's approval score
on ballots that don't A-rate of B-rate X, then elect the X with the greatest 
A+B score.

And so on as in the versions that use a fixed number of ratings slots, if 
necessary electing the most
approved candidate.*

This is analogous with ER-Bucklin(whole) on ranked ballots:
http://wiki.electorama.com/wiki/ER-Bucklin





Chris Benham


  


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[EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,

I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same guy which
asked for the first time):
If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances
of my candidate being elected.
If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered candidate to
win is lowered.
Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?
I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough for an exhaustive answer.

My argument starts:
If I vote for a candidate who has >50% of the votes, then it does not matter
if there is a second or third choice.
If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it makes sense to
support a second choice candidate B.
However if the supporters of B only bullet vote, then maybe B's supporters
get an advantage over A?
... at this point I realize, that I don't know enough about Condorcet and/or
Schulze to answer the question.

Why is it not rational to bullet vote in a Condorcet election if you are
allowed not to rank some candidates?
I guess you have discussed this question a zillion of times, so please
forgive my ignorance.

Maybe you could help me out with this one.

Peter

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread robert bristow-johnson


On Jun 16, 2010, at 1:30 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:


Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,

I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same  
guy which asked for the first time):
If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the  
chances of my candidate being elected?


If there is a Condorcet Winner (CW), the answer is "no".  If there is  
no CW, then we have a "Condorcet paradox" or a "cycle" where Candidate  
Rock beats Candidate Scissors, Candidate Scissors beats Candidate  
Paper, and Candidate Paper beats Candidate Rock.  Then I won't say  
whether the answer is "no" for sure, but I am still convinced that  
cycles are rare and that a method like Schulze or Ranked Pairs  
resolves the cycles meaningfully.


If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered  
candidate to win is lowered?


Same answer as above.  If there is a CW, the answer is "no, it does  
not hurt your favorite.  It makes no difference to your favorite."



Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?


The whole idea is to allow the voter expressivity in all election  
possibilities and to not burden the voter with the need to think or  
vote strategically.  If the voter thinks that Candidate A is a better  
choice than Candidate B (that is, if the election was a 2-person race  
between A and B, this voter would vote for A), then the voter ranks A  
above B and that's that.  Nothing more to worry about.  If the voter  
would vote for Candidate C over B in a 2-person race but not over A in  
a different 2-person race, then that voter would rank A highest, C  
next, followed by B last.  Bullet voting for A does not help A any  
more than ranking A highest and mutes this voter regarding a possible  
decision between B and C.


I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough for an exhaustive  
answer.


My argument starts:
If I vote for a candidate who has >50% of the votes, then it does  
not matter if there is a second or third choice.
If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it makes  
sense to support a second choice candidate B.
However if the supporters of B only bullet vote, then maybe B's  
supporters get an advantage over A?


No, not if either A or B (or C) end up as the Condorcet Winner.

... at this point I realize, that I don't know enough about  
Condorcet and/or Schulze to answer the question.


Why is it not rational to bullet vote in a Condorcet election if you  
are allowed not to rank some candidates?


Because you lose your voice in a potentially decisive election between  
two candidates, neither whom are your favorite but one of them you hate.


I guess you have discussed this question a zillion of times, so  
please forgive my ignorance.


It's what it's all about.  According to my "Gospel of Fair Elections  
according to Condorcet", there are really no downsides if there is a  
clear Condorcet Winner (and I disagree with most of the rest of this  
mailing list about the "Dark Horse pathology").  And I believe that  
cycles (where there *is* no CW) are rare.  That's my religion.


--

r b-j  r...@audioimagination.com

"Imagination is more important than knowledge."





Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

Peter Zbornik wrote:

Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,

I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same guy 
which asked for the first time):
If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the 
chances of my candidate being elected.
If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered candidate 
to win is lowered.

Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?
I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough for an exhaustive answer.


I would say that the answer is contingency. Say that your favorite is A, 
and it's uncertain whether B or C is more popular, but you prefer B to 
C. Then, bullet-voting A might give you A instead of B (which would be 
good), but it might also give you C rather than B (which would be bad) 
because you falsely reported that it doesn't matter to you whether B or 
C wins.


A bit more formally, consider this: C is the current CW and B is just 
short of beating him, while A is far behind. If two voters vote A > B = 
C, then nothing happens, but by voting A > B > C, B now beats C and wins.


Also note that voting for additional candidates doesn't harm the outcome 
unless you, by doing so, set up or help others set up a cycle. If X is 
the CW and beats others by a lot of votes, then voting others ahead of X 
doesn't itself do anything harmful; the only potential for harm occurs 
in the domain of the cycle.


Similarly, for the "advanced methods" (Schulze, Ranked Pairs, and so 
on), ranking candidates that end up outside of the Smith set doesn't do 
any harm either, because these methods satisfy Independence of 
Smith-dominated alternatives (also called "local IIA").


To sum all of that up: bullet-voting is like driving straight in a game 
of Chicken. Sure, you might benefit by doing so, but you may also crash 
and get a very bad outcome. In addition, the advanced methods pass 
criteria that both narrow down the situations where sincerity will 
backfire, as well as the degree to which it would do so; an 
ISDA-compliant method must obviously elect from the Smith set in the 
first place, for instance.


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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Peter,

My quick responses to this:

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
>I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same guy 
>which asked for the first time):
>If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the 
chances 
>of my candidate being elected.
>If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered candidate 
>to win is lowered.

None of this is guaranteed. Actually listing additional preferences can
also help a preferred candidate.

>Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?

You should not bullet vote if the possible use of voting for a second
preference outweighs the likelihood that the second preference will hurt
your first preference.

It is not obvious that a voter should be trying to support his favorite
candidate to the exclusion of everything else. He should be trying to
get the best result possible on average.

>My argument starts:
>If I vote for a candidate who has >50% of the votes, then it does not 
>matter if there is a second or third choice.
>If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it makes sense 
>to support a second choice candidate B.
>However if the supporters of B only bullet vote, then maybe B's 
>supporters get an advantage over A?

Yes, that can happen. But it doesn't follow from this, that everybody
should bullet-vote. If A and B are similar candidates then all of these
voters benefit from the A>B votes even though the B voters only voted
B and denied A chance to win. Most likely if the A voters bullet-voted
also, then some other candidate would win.

>... at this point I realize, that I don't know enough about Condorcet 
>and/or Schulze to answer the question.
>
>Why is it not rational to bullet vote in a Condorcet election if you are 
>allowed not to rank some candidates?

It could be rational in some cases, but it is not rational in general. In
general it makes sense to express your preferences.

Kevin Venzke


  

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Hi Kristofer,

thanks for a detailed answer.
As you answer contingency, it might be beneficial to turn the question
around.
In what situations will bullet voting help my candidate to win (considering
the advanced Condorcet systems)?

Peter

On Wed, Jun 16, 2010 at 8:14 PM, Kristofer Munsterhjelm <
km-el...@broadpark.no> wrote:

> Peter Zbornik wrote:
>
>> Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,
>>
>> I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same guy
>> which asked for the first time):
>> If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances
>> of my candidate being elected.
>> If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered candidate
>> to win is lowered.
>> Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?
>> I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough for an exhaustive
>> answer.
>>
>
> I would say that the answer is contingency. Say that your favorite is A,
> and it's uncertain whether B or C is more popular, but you prefer B to C.
> Then, bullet-voting A might give you A instead of B (which would be good),
> but it might also give you C rather than B (which would be bad) because you
> falsely reported that it doesn't matter to you whether B or C wins.
>
> A bit more formally, consider this: C is the current CW and B is just short
> of beating him, while A is far behind. If two voters vote A > B = C, then
> nothing happens, but by voting A > B > C, B now beats C and wins.
>
> Also note that voting for additional candidates doesn't harm the outcome
> unless you, by doing so, set up or help others set up a cycle. If X is the
> CW and beats others by a lot of votes, then voting others ahead of X doesn't
> itself do anything harmful; the only potential for harm occurs in the domain
> of the cycle.
>
> Similarly, for the "advanced methods" (Schulze, Ranked Pairs, and so on),
> ranking candidates that end up outside of the Smith set doesn't do any harm
> either, because these methods satisfy Independence of Smith-dominated
> alternatives (also called "local IIA").
>
> To sum all of that up: bullet-voting is like driving straight in a game of
> Chicken. Sure, you might benefit by doing so, but you may also crash and get
> a very bad outcome. In addition, the advanced methods pass criteria that
> both narrow down the situations where sincerity will backfire, as well as
> the degree to which it would do so; an ISDA-compliant method must obviously
> elect from the Smith set in the first place, for instance.
>

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Jameson Quinn
2010/6/16 robert bristow-johnson 

>
> On Jun 16, 2010, at 1:30 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:
>
>  Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,
>>
>> I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same guy
>> which asked for the first time):
>> If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances
>> of my candidate being elected?
>>
>
> If there is a Condorcet Winner (CW), the answer is "no".  If there is no
> CW, then we have a "Condorcet paradox" or a "cycle" where Candidate Rock
> beats Candidate Scissors, Candidate Scissors beats Candidate Paper, and
> Candidate Paper beats Candidate Rock.  Then I won't say whether the answer
> is "no" for sure, but I am still convinced that cycles are rare and that a
> method like Schulze or Ranked Pairs resolves the cycles meaningfully.


Would that it were this easy. But there could be an honest CW, and bullet
voting creates an artificial cycle.

Simple case:
40 C>B>A
30 B>A>C
30 A>B>C

B is the clear CW: wins 60/40 against C, and 70/30 against B. But if the A
voters bullet vote, then there is a Condorcet cycle, because now B loses
30/40 against C.

Some tiebreaking methods deal with this situation better than others. But if
they twist themselves up in enough knots to avoid this problem, then they
give results which are very hard to defend if half the A voters were really
A>C>B voters who truncated lazily.

Anyway, you cannot give simple guarantees like the one you stated above.

JQ

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Peter,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
>In what situations will bullet voting help my candidate to win 
>(considering the advanced Condorcet systems)?

The simplest is probably the one you gave. For example:

43 A
27 B vs. B>C
30 C>B

If B voters don't give any second preference then generally B will win
(depending perhaps on the particular method). But if B voters give a
second preference for C then C will win.

If B voters believe C voters will give them support then they could
decide to bullet vote, as they can be confident that A will either win
outright (as majority favorite) or suffer a pairwise defeat worse than
B's loss to C.

Kevin Venzke



  

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Juho

Some more viewpoints that were not covered very well yet.

1) Typical (=all common) Condorcet methods make pairwise comparisons  
and derive the results from those comparisons. Changing one's vote  
from A>B>C to A>B=C does not change the pairwise comparison results of  
ones favourite (A) against the others. The second vote does say B=C  
although the true opinion of the voter is B>C. That helps C and hurts  
B when these two are compared (these might be the two strongest  
candidates, and not indicating one's opinion in this pairwise  
comparison could change the winner from (sincere) B to C).


2) There are few cases where not giving one's sincere opinion may  
improve the result. It is however a fact that in almost all situations  
giving one's sincere preferences is the wisest thing the voter can do.  
It is not easy to identify and efficiently use those exceptional cases  
in Condorcet elections. For a regular voter in large public elections  
sincerity is clearly the best strategy to follow.


Juho



On Jun 16, 2010, at 8:30 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:


Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,

I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same  
guy which asked for the first time):
If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the  
chances of my candidate being elected.
If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered  
candidate to win is lowered.

Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?
I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough for an exhaustive  
answer.


My argument starts:
If I vote for a candidate who has >50% of the votes, then it does  
not matter if there is a second or third choice.
If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it makes  
sense to support a second choice candidate B.
However if the supporters of B only bullet vote, then maybe B's  
supporters get an advantage over A?
... at this point I realize, that I don't know enough about  
Condorcet and/or Schulze to answer the question.


Why is it not rational to bullet vote in a Condorcet election if you  
are allowed not to rank some candidates?
I guess you have discussed this question a zillion of times, so  
please forgive my ignorance.


Maybe you could help me out with this one.

Peter


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[EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote?

2010-06-16 Thread Chris Benham
Peter,

If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances
of my candidate being elected.

Bullet voting in an election using a method that complies with the Condorcet 
criterion does I suppose
somewhat increase the chance of your candidate being the Condorcet winner.

But all Condorcet methods fail Later-no-Help, and in some this effect is 
sufficiently strong for the method
to have a "random fill" incentive.  That means that if you know nothing about 
how other voters will vote
you are probabilistically better off by strictly ranking all your least 
preferred candidates.

46: A>B
44: B
10: C

Here A is the CW, but if the 44B voters change to B>C then Schulze(Winning 
Votes) elects B.

Schulze (WV) also has a zero-info. equal-rank at the top incentive. So say you 
know nothing about
how other voters will vote and you have a big gap in your sincere ratings of 
the candidates, then your
best probabilistic strategy is to rank all the candidates in your preferred 
group (those above the big
gap in your ratings) equal-top and to strictly rank (randomly if necessarily) 
all the candidates below
the gap.

Your question seems to come with assumption that the voter doesn't care much 
who wins if her favourite
doesn't.

Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?

The voter might be mainly interested in preventing her least preferred 
candidate from winning. Bullet
voting is then a worse strategy than ranking that hated candidate strictly 
bottom.

Another Condorcet method is  Smith//Approval(ranking). That interprets ranking 
versus truncation as
approval and elects the member of the Smith set (the smallest subset S of 
candidates that pairwise beat
any/all non-S candidates) that has the highest approval score.

(Some advocate the even simpler Condorcet//Approval(ranking) that simply elects 
the most approved
candidate if there is no single Condorcet winner.)

In the example above the effect of the 44B voters changing to B>C is with those 
methods to make C
the new winner.

Those methods do have a truncation incentive, so then many voters who are 
mainly interested in 
getting their strict favourites elected will and should "bullet vote".

What is wrong with that?

Chris Benham



 


Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,I got a second question from one of our 
members (actually the same guy which  asked for the first time):  If I just 
bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances  of my 
candidate being elected.  If I have a second or third option, the chances of my 
prefered candidate to  win is lowered.  Q: In this case why should any voter 
not bullet-vote?  I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough for an 
exhaustive answer.My argument starts:  If I vote for a candidate who has 
>50% of the votes, then it does not matter  if there is a second or third 
choice.  If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it makes 
sense to  support a second choice candidate B.  However if the supporters of B 
only bullet vote, then maybe B's supporters  get an advantage over A?  ... at 
this point I realize, that I don't know enough about Condorcet and/or  Schulze 
to answer the question.Why is it not rational to
 bullet vote in a Condorcet election if you are  allowed not to rank some 
candidates?  I guess you have discussed this question a zillion of times, so 
please  forgive my ignorance.Maybe you could help me out with this one.
Peter  


  

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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

Kevin Venzke wrote:

Hello,

The last thing I did with my simulation is check whether on average a
candidate would prefer to have withdrawn (considering the results of
thousands of trials of one position) than stand, with the assumption that
they care what happens when they lose. (I'm not sure that's actually a
good assumption: It would be better to assume the voters are the ones who
care, and don't support a candidate who spoils the election.)

I got odd results. It could very well be a bug. But for example I found
that (sincere) FPP had very few scenarios where a candidate would prefer
to exit the race. Maybe it's because I had filtered out uncompetitive
elections. But, even if FPP can handle some three-way races doesn't mean
that we can score FPP based on them, with the assumption that they will
occur.

That seems like a big problem with my simulation, that there are always
three candidates, and no check for incentives for more or fewer to be
nominated.


I think that a nomination simulation would have to be more complex, to 
take feedback into account. Candidates would position themselves 
somewhere in opinion space, then move closer to the winners depending on 
the outcome of the simulation (and possibly decide to drop out if this 
would elect a candidate closer to their position).


Even so, the simulation would fail to catch certain aspects of the 
election cycle itself. Consider a two party state under FPTP. In a pure 
opinion-space analysis, the two parties would converge on a common point 
(the "center") in an effort to eat into each others' voters, yet in 
reality that doesn't seem to happen - the Republican and Democratic 
parties appeal to different voters.


Changes in voter sentiment might be able to handle some of that problem; 
by having voters change their opinions between elections, candidates 
know not to get too specialized (because it takes time to move about in 
opinion space). That would also limit stagnation in even advanced 
systems: if you have a Condorcet method and a party places itself at the 
(static) median voter, the game is over and all the other parties can 
just as well go home.


There are other effects as well: Parties and candidates might also slide 
into corruption unless checked by competition. One could model that by a 
candidate wanting to both be elected and to be placed at a certain point 
in opinion space (individual corruption), or by candidates being 
attracted towards a certain area in opinion space (coordinated 
corruption, e.g. by lobbying). Candidates may be of use (as opposition), 
even if not elected - not sure how to model that; and the candidates, 
particularly organized ones, may choose to employ strategy if doing so 
is feasible (as the New York parties did under STV) - I'm not sure how 
to model that, either.


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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Juho

On Jun 16, 2010, at 9:39 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:

In what situations will bullet voting help my candidate to win  
(considering the advanced Condorcet systems)?


Here's one more example where a reasonably small number of strategic  
voters can change the result.


49: A
48: B>C
3: C>B

If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B in  
winning votes based Condorcet methods.


Juho






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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Kristofer,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Kristofer Munsterhjelm  a 
écrit :
> I think that a nomination simulation would have to be more
> complex, to take feedback into account. Candidates would
> position themselves somewhere in opinion space, then move
> closer to the winners depending on the outcome of the
> simulation (and possibly decide to drop out if this would
> elect a candidate closer to their position).

It basically works (or will work) like this except I plan to have the
movement be in a random direction. If the movement is unsuccessful then
the change is undone and the next candidate gets to "go." It's an issue
but hopefully not an insurmountable one that the proper place for the
candidate to stand may be nowhere near where they are.

> Even so, the simulation would fail to catch certain aspects
> of the election cycle itself. Consider a two party state
> under FPTP. In a pure opinion-space analysis, the two
> parties would converge on a common point (the "center") in
> an effort to eat into each others' voters, yet in reality
> that doesn't seem to happen - the Republican and Democratic
> parties appeal to different voters.

A possible theory: They could not converge to the center because a
third candidate could decide to sit on the outer side of one, and still
be somewhat viable. So, a candidate needs to be far enough from the center
to discourage a rival nomination from the same side.

> Changes in voter sentiment might be able to handle some of
> that problem; by having voters change their opinions between
> elections, candidates know not to get too specialized
> (because it takes time to move about in opinion space). That
> would also limit stagnation in even advanced systems: if you
> have a Condorcet method and a party places itself at the
> (static) median voter, the game is over and all the other
> parties can just as well go home.

Well currently the median is not static. On average it is static, but in
a given election it could move a bit.

> There are other effects as well: Parties and candidates
> might also slide into corruption unless checked by
> competition. One could model that by a candidate wanting to
> both be elected and to be placed at a certain point in
> opinion space (individual corruption), or by candidates
> being attracted towards a certain area in opinion space
> (coordinated corruption, e.g. by lobbying).

Those are definitely interesting ideas. One would have to figure out the
formula that decides where increasing "electibility" is no longer desirable
to a candidate.

> Candidates may
> be of use (as opposition), even if not elected - not sure
> how to model that; and the candidates, particularly
> organized ones, may choose to employ strategy if doing so is
> feasible (as the New York parties did under STV) - I'm not
> sure how to model that, either.

I expect to have candidates behave naively since I don't want to pretend
to know beforehand what kinds of "transformations" could be helpful to
a candidate. I really hope to see odd equilibria in some methods that
have never been considered.

The idea of a candidate being nominated to improve expectation from the
election, rather than getting that candidate elected, raises the issue
of whether candidates are mainly concerned about being elected, or about
the expectation for their supporters. Also, whether "withdrawal" from
the election means that the candidate actually withdraws, or that the
voters simply decide that they will ignore this candidate as unhelpful.
In reality it's probably a combination of both.

Kevin


  

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote?

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Chris, thanks for pointing these things out. I didn't know about the
Later-no-Help.

You write: "But all Condorcet methods fail Later-no-Help, and in some this
effect is sufficiently strong for the method to have a "random fill"
incentive."
Do you know for which Condorcet methods this effect is sufficiently strong
to have a random fill incentive?

You write: "That means that if you know nothing about how other voters will
vote you are probabilistically better off by strictly ranking all your least
preferred candidates."
Is this claim possible to prove or is it at least supported by some
evidence?

As for the no info, equal rank - this is a rational strategy when you have
no info. In real life you have a lot of information about the expected
voting behavior of others.

Peter

On Wed, Jun 16, 2010 at 9:11 PM, Chris Benham wrote:

> Peter,
>
> If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances
> of my candidate being elected.
>
> Bullet voting in an election using a method that complies with the
> Condorcet criterion does I suppose
> somewhat increase the chance of your candidate being the Condorcet winner.
>
> But all Condorcet methods fail Later-no-Help, and in some this effect is
> sufficiently strong for the method
> to have a "random fill" incentive.  That means that if you know nothing
> about how other voters will vote
> you are probabilistically better off by strictly ranking all your least
> preferred candidates.
>
> 46: A>B
> 44: B
> 10: C
>
> Here A is the CW, but if the 44B voters change to B>C then Schulze(Winning
> Votes) elects B.
>
> Schulze (WV) also has a zero-info. equal-rank at the top incentive. So say
> you know nothing about
> how other voters will vote and you have a big gap in your sincere ratings
> of the candidates, then your
> best probabilistic strategy is to rank all the candidates in your preferred
> group (those above the big
> gap in your ratings) equal-top and to strictly rank (randomly if
> necessarily) all the candidates below
> the gap.
>
> Your question seems to come with assumption that the voter doesn't care
> much who wins if her favourite
> doesn't.
>
> Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?
>
> The voter might be mainly interested in preventing her least preferred
> candidate from winning. Bullet
> voting is then a worse strategy than ranking that hated candidate strictly
> bottom.
>
> Another Condorcet method is  Smith//Approval(ranking). That interprets
> ranking versus truncation as
> approval and elects the member of the Smith set (the smallest subset S of
> candidates that pairwise beat
> any/all non-S candidates) that has the highest approval score.
>
> (Some advocate the even simpler Condorcet//Approval(ranking) that simply
> elects the most approved
> candidate if there is no single Condorcet winner.)
>
> In the example above the effect of the 44B voters changing to B>C is with
> those methods to make C
> the new winner.
>
> Those methods do have a truncation incentive, so then many voters who are
> mainly interested in
> getting their strict favourites elected will and should "bullet vote".
>
> What is wrong with that?
>
> Chris Benham
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Dear all, dear Markus Schulze,I got a second question from one of our
> members (actually the same guy which  asked for the first time):  If I just
> bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the chances  of my
> candidate being elected.  If I have a second or third option, the chances of
> my prefered candidate to  win is lowered.  Q: In this case why should any
> voter not bullet-vote?  I have some clue on how to answer, but not enough
> for an exhaustive answer.My argument starts:  If I vote for a candidate
> who has >50% of the votes, then it does not matter  if there is a second or
> third choice.  If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it
> makes sense to  support a second choice candidate B.  However if the
> supporters of B only bullet vote, then maybe B's supporters  get an
> advantage over A?  ... at this point I realize, that I don't know enough
> about Condorcet and/or  Schulze to answer the question.Why is it not
> rational to
>  bullet vote in a Condorcet election if you are  allowed not to rank some
> candidates?  I guess you have discussed this question a zillion of times, so
> please  forgive my ignorance.Maybe you could help me out with this one.
>Peter
>
>
>
>

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Juho,

we have the example
49: A
48: B>C
3: C>B

you wrote to me:
"- C loses to B, 3-48. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 48.
- B loses to A, 48-49. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 49.
- A loses to C, 49-51. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 51."

Thus: "If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B
in winning votes based Condorcet methods."

This is correct, if proportional completion is not used (see page 42 in
http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf)
If proportional completion is used (which I would recommend) then B wins.

If proportional completion is used, then we need to fill in the preferences
of the ones who did not vote:
We have 100 voters.
- C loses to B, 3-48, means 49 voters did not vote. We split each voter into
two: the first has weight 3/51 of a vote and the second 48/51, which gives a
total score of 49*3/51+3 vs 49*48/51+48
- B loses to A, 48-49, means 3 voters did not vote. We split each voter into
two: the first has weight 48/97 and the second 49/97, which gives a total
score of 3*48/97+48 vs 3*49/97+49
- A loses to C, 49-51, means all voters voted.

Thus after the proportional completion, the vote tally is the following:
- C loses to B, 5,88-94,12. In winning votes the strength of this loss
is 94,12.
- B loses to A, 49,48-50,52. In winning votes the strength of this loss
is 50,52. (delete this link first)
- A loses to C, 49-51. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 51.

Thus B wins if proportional completion is used. C wins without proportional
completion.

Best regards
Peter Zborník

On Wed, Jun 16, 2010 at 9:35 PM, Juho  wrote:

> On Jun 16, 2010, at 9:39 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:
>
>  In what situations will bullet voting help my candidate to win
>> (considering the advanced Condorcet systems)?
>>
>
> Here's one more example where a reasonably small number of strategic voters
> can change the result.
>
> 49: A
> 48: B>C
> 3: C>B
>
> If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B in
> winning votes based Condorcet methods.
>
> Juho
>
>
>
>
>
>
> 
> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
>

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Dave Ketchum

So, why bother to vote for one or more?
 There are two leaders, and I have a preference (or three of  
which I prefer one or two)..
 I see clones so, if I like what they are, I should vote for all  
of them.
 I like what I hear of a candidate, so hope to attract more like  
this one, even if they are not getting many votes this time.


Therefore:
 Among the leaders it matters, so you vote if you care.
 Among the also-rans it does not matter, so you vote if you care.
 Among those who might be on the edge of a significant vote count  
it only matters if the one you consider bullet voting, and the one you  
are considering as an option, are both on the edge such that you could  
regret whatever you do, that it is time to worry.  So vote if you  
care, for voting can either help or hurt.


The studying here mostly makes headaches.

Dave Ketchum

On Jun 16, 2010, at 2:20 PM, Kevin Venzke wrote:

Hi Peter,

My quick responses to this:

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a  
écrit :
I got a second question from one of our members (actually the same  
guy

which asked for the first time):
If I just bullet vote in a Condorcet election, then I increase the

chances

of my candidate being elected.
If I have a second or third option, the chances of my prefered  
candidate

to win is lowered.


None of this is guaranteed. Actually listing additional preferences  
can

also help a preferred candidate.


Q: In this case why should any voter not bullet-vote?


You should not bullet vote if the possible use of voting for a second
preference outweighs the likelihood that the second preference will  
hurt

your first preference.

It is not obvious that a voter should be trying to support his  
favorite

candidate to the exclusion of everything else. He should be trying to
get the best result possible on average.


My argument starts:
If I vote for a candidate who has >50% of the votes, then it does not
matter if there is a second or third choice.
If my prefered candidate A gets <50%  of the votes, then it makes  
sense

to support a second choice candidate B.
However if the supporters of B only bullet vote, then maybe B's
supporters get an advantage over A?


Yes, that can happen. But it doesn't follow from this, that everybody
should bullet-vote. If A and B are similar candidates then all of  
these

voters benefit from the A>B votes even though the B voters only voted
B and denied A chance to win. Most likely if the A voters bullet-voted
also, then some other candidate would win.


... at this point I realize, that I don't know enough about Condorcet
and/or Schulze to answer the question.

Why is it not rational to bullet vote in a Condorcet election if  
you are

allowed not to rank some candidates?


It could be rational in some cases, but it is not rational in  
general. In

general it makes sense to express your preferences.

Kevin Venzke




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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Peter,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
>Thus: "If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B 
>in winning votes based Condorcet methods."
>
>This is correct, if proportional completion is not used (see page 42 
>in http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf)
>If proportional completion is used (which I would recommend) then B wins.

If you are using proportional completion (or "symmetric completion") then
you're not using winning votes, you're using margins.

Juho advocates MinMax(margins) which is why he posted this example 
(Schulze is usually assumed to use winning votes), and also why he didn't
like it when I pointed out that clone independence and ISDA were the
probable answers to your criteria question

Kevin Venzke



  

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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

Kevin Venzke wrote:

Hi Kristofer,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Kristofer Munsterhjelm  a 
écrit :

I think that a nomination simulation would have to be more
complex, to take feedback into account. Candidates would
position themselves somewhere in opinion space, then move
closer to the winners depending on the outcome of the
simulation (and possibly decide to drop out if this would
elect a candidate closer to their position).


It basically works (or will work) like this except I plan to have the
movement be in a random direction. If the movement is unsuccessful then
the change is undone and the next candidate gets to "go." It's an issue
but hopefully not an insurmountable one that the proper place for the
candidate to stand may be nowhere near where they are.


The way I was considering would be to start with a bunch of random 
candidates. Run the election. Each candidate then determines whether he 
would have made his side better off if he didn't run, in which case he 
removes himself from further rounds. Then the candidates that remain 
update their position by moving closer to those on its side that are 
above it in the social ordering, subject to possible counterbalancing 
forces (warding off nominations on one's own side, for instance). 
Finally, the voters' opinions change somewhat, to model a change of 
opinion as may happen between elections.


The result would be a sort of attractor/k-means clustering type of 
algorithm, where the dynamics would depend on the method in question.


One might also have new candidates appear - perhaps probabilistically 
depending on distance to closest existing (or recently elected?) candidate.



Even so, the simulation would fail to catch certain aspects
of the election cycle itself. Consider a two party state
under FPTP. In a pure opinion-space analysis, the two
parties would converge on a common point (the "center") in
an effort to eat into each others' voters, yet in reality
that doesn't seem to happen - the Republican and Democratic
parties appeal to different voters.


A possible theory: They could not converge to the center because a
third candidate could decide to sit on the outer side of one, and still
be somewhat viable. So, a candidate needs to be far enough from the center
to discourage a rival nomination from the same side.


That is possible. Would primaries encourage that effect? If so, would we 
expect parties in two-party states without voter primaries to be closer 
to each other?



Changes in voter sentiment might be able to handle some of
that problem; by having voters change their opinions between
elections, candidates know not to get too specialized
(because it takes time to move about in opinion space). That
would also limit stagnation in even advanced systems: if you
have a Condorcet method and a party places itself at the
(static) median voter, the game is over and all the other
parties can just as well go home.


Well currently the median is not static. On average it is static, but in
a given election it could move a bit.


What I was thinking about here is that the median may change in a 
consistent way. For instance, say that someone pulls off a particularly 
large robbery in the country in question; this may shift the voters' 
opinions to the "right/tough justice" area of opinion space; or the 
voters may consider environmental concerns more important than earlier 
and so shift in that direction. Events in the real world can change the 
voter opinion.


In a simulation, I suppose the shifts would be modeled in a fairly 
random manner, since it would be hard indeed to determine which model 
would be most realistic. Perhaps some sort of 1/f noise would work so 
that there is both slight/noisy changes and slow, large, consistent ones.



There are other effects as well: Parties and candidates
might also slide into corruption unless checked by
competition. One could model that by a candidate wanting to
both be elected and to be placed at a certain point in
opinion space (individual corruption), or by candidates
being attracted towards a certain area in opinion space
(coordinated corruption, e.g. by lobbying).


Those are definitely interesting ideas. One would have to figure out the
formula that decides where increasing "electibility" is no longer desirable
to a candidate.


I imagine electability would be the first priority (excepting idealist 
candidates, but they aren't likely to be corrupted anyway). The 
candidate would reason: better to be elected and make a compromise than 
not make a compromise and not be elected. Within the space of positions 
he can take and still be elected, however, the candidate would tend 
towards a self-serving/corrupted point.


Cartel-like corruption ("what are you going to do, vote for a third 
party?") would be more difficult to model. I'm not sure if they happen 
consciously or if they're just a mutual laziness/implicit agreement by 
both parties, a kind of "I won't lower my prices (approach the vote

Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Juho Laatu

On Jun 16, 2010, at 11:49 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:


Juho,

we have the example
49: A
48: B>C
3: C>B

you wrote to me:
"- C loses to B, 3-48. In winning votes the strength of this loss is  
48.
- B loses to A, 48-49. In winning votes the strength of this loss is  
49.
- A loses to C, 49-51. In winning votes the strength of this loss is  
51."


Thus: "If the three C voters will truncate then they will win  
instead of B in winning votes based Condorcet methods."


This is correct, if proportional completion is not used (see page 42  
in http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf)
If proportional completion is used (which I would recommend) then B  
wins.


Yes, the example applies to (typical) winning votes based methods.  
Other approaches like margins and the referenced approach may provide  
different results.




If proportional completion is used, then we need to fill in the  
preferences of the ones who did not vote:

We have 100 voters.
- C loses to B, 3-48, means 49 voters did not vote. We split each  
voter into two: the first has weight 3/51 of a vote and the second  
48/51, which gives a total score of 49*3/51+3 vs 49*48/51+48
- B loses to A, 48-49, means 3 voters did not vote. We split each  
voter into two: the first has weight 48/97 and the second 49/97,  
which gives a total score of 3*48/97+48 vs 3*49/97+49

- A loses to C, 49-51, means all voters voted.

Thus after the proportional completion, the vote tally is the  
following:
- C loses to B, 5,88-94,12. In winning votes the strength of this  
loss is 94,12.
- B loses to A, 49,48-50,52. In winning votes the strength of this  
loss is 50,52. (delete this link first)


What link?

- A loses to C, 49-51. In winning votes the strength of this loss is  
51.


Thus B wins if proportional completion is used. C wins without  
proportional completion.


There are many different approaches to measuring the preference  
strength of the pairwise comparisons. Winning votes and margins are  
the most common ones. The referenced approach would be a third  
approach. It seems to be the proportion of the given votes. Correct?


94,12 = 100/(3/48+1), i.e. the proportion of the preferences (48:3)  
scaled in another way (100/(1/x+1))


(Shortly back to the original question. Unfortunately I don't have any  
interesting proportion specific truncation related examples or  
properties in my ind right now.)


Juho






Best regards
Peter Zborník

On Wed, Jun 16, 2010 at 9:35 PM, Juho  wrote:
On Jun 16, 2010, at 9:39 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:

In what situations will bullet voting help my candidate to win  
(considering the advanced Condorcet systems)?


Here's one more example where a reasonably small number of strategic  
voters can change the result.


49: A
48: B>C
3: C>B

If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B  
in winning votes based Condorcet methods.


Juho







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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Juho

On Jun 17, 2010, at 12:29 AM, Kevin Venzke wrote:


Hi Peter,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a  
écrit :
Thus: "If the three C voters will truncate then they will win  
instead of B

in winning votes based Condorcet methods."

This is correct, if proportional completion is not used (see page 42
in http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf)
If proportional completion is used (which I would recommend) then B  
wins.


If you are using proportional completion (or "symmetric completion")  
then

you're not using winning votes, you're using margins.


The described algorithm seemed to make the completion in a "non- 
symmetric" way, leading to comparing the proportions of the A>B and  
B>A votes.




Juho advocates MinMax(margins) which is why he posted this example


Not really because of the minmax part but to cover also margins in  
addition to winning votes.




(Schulze is usually assumed to use winning votes), and also why he  
didn't

like it when I pointed out that clone independence and ISDA were the
probable answers to your criteria question


That was on the minmax part. Minmax doesn't meet the Smith criterion  
and clone independence (in some extreme situations). Also in this case  
I wanted to cover also those methods in the discussion (in addition to  
the usual Smith+WV ones and criteria that those methods meet).


Kevin Venzke is usually more on the WV and Smith set line (right?).

When it comes to real life elections I tend to think that all common  
Condorcet methods are pretty similar, and because of that similarity  
all the vulnerabilities and dramatic looking criteria do not mean that  
much in real elections. They make wonderful tools for propaganda  
though since one can construct dramatic looking (often just  
theoretical, not real life like) examples and criteria. All reasonable  
elections methods and all Condorcet methods violate some criteria that  
one probably would like to keep. It may also be that the best method  
(whatever that is) is one that violates numerous criteria but only  
slightly each one of them (and in situations that do not usually occur  
in real elections, or in some situations where the good looking  
criteria actually should be violated for some other more important  
reason).


From practical Condorcet promotion point of view I don't recommend  
diving too deep in the world of different Condorcet variants and  
criteria. All typical Condorcet methods are exceptionally good single- 
winner methods for competitive environments. Better to concentrate on  
the properties of the Condorcet methods in general and just mention  
that there are different variants with slightly different properties.


Btw, when it comes to different Condorcet methods and their  
differences (different results) in real life elections I expect the  
first differences to emerge in the margins vs. winning votes ((vs.  
other possible approaches)) front. The Smith set and cycle of four (or  
more) related differences are probably not as common. I assume  
reasonably sincere voters here. Also truncation may lead to missing  
the true Condorcet winner (but this is more difficult to measure since  
people truncated their votes and their true preferences were thus not  
recorded for analysis after the election).


Juho






Kevin Venzke





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[EM] Election calculator / Czech Green Party case

2010-06-16 Thread Juho
I wrote some code to study proportionality in the Czech Green Party  
case. I uploaded some of that stuff also in the Internet in case you  
are interested to experiment with it. The code is purely experimental  
and draft and not very stable at the moment, i.e. no guarantees given,  
but right now it seems to be operational at some level. You may check  
it at http://electioncalculator.appspot.com/. At the moment the  
proportional method does some exhaustive search over all the  
combinations, so use it only with small number of candidates and  
elected council members to avoid combinatorial explosion. (I'm  
interested also in non-exhaustive versions but they are not good  
enough to be used at the moment.)


Example input:

method == Proportional
members == 5
ordered == 2
group == 2 aceg
group == 2 bdf
24 abcd
24 cbad
4 d
24 efgd
24 gfed

Button "Calculate" should do the job. In this input the used method is  
obviously "Proportional". Number of council members is 5 ("members ==  
5"). Two of the members will be elected using a proportional ranking  
method ("ordered == 2"). There are two groups that each must get at  
least two members (could be men and women). Different groups may  
contain also same characters (candidates) and not contain some  
characters in any of the groups although in the male/female case that  
would not be very "natural" :-). And then there are the votes. The  
requirement to achieve maximum proportionality and sufficient  
participation of all the groups will not impact the ordered candidates  
(i.e. the ordered candidates may distort proportionality a bit like in  
the given example where d will be elected as the president, and  
forcing sufficient representation of the groups may distort the  
selection of the other members of the council a bit more since the  
presidents will not participate in this game). Note that the "=="  
parameters must be given in the first rows of the input. The  
calculator is not very sensitive with respect to the format of the  
input. It can eat all kind of strings with (optional) number at the  
beginning of the row and all kinds of ASCII characters and equal signs  
and English alphabet characters (candidates) later on the row.


These properties do cover most of the topics that were addressed in  
the Czech Green Party discussions. (At least possibility of separate  
votes for the presidents is still missing (maybe not a key feature but  
somewhat interesting in theory).)


The given example contains some ties. Ties will be resolved using  
random numbers. Ties will be indicated in the results (in the given  
example both among the ordered candidates and sometimes also in the  
composition of the whole council).


I included also some other buttons for some other methods. Clicking  
button "PO" corresponds to having a "method == PO" parameter row among  
the parameters at the beginning of the input. "PO" means proportional  
order/ranking. The above mentioned additional parameters do not have  
any influence in this method, except that it seems that the "members"  
parameter will list given number of candidates from the beginning of  
the ranking. (You should be able to reach the same results also with  
the "Proportional" method and suitable parameters (all members/ 
candidates ordered).)


The "Proportional" method is a quite straight forward CPO-STV style  
method that uses a Hare style quota (number of non-empty ballots  
divided by the number of council members (not rounded/truncated)). The  
weight of each vote that ranks some candidates that are in both  
compared councils above the first candidate that will make the  
difference between which alternative the vote supports will be reduced  
by one quota (shared between all such votes). No negative weights  
though. Equal ranking is allowed. Minmax(margins) is used to compare  
different alternative council compositions and pick the winning one.


My current code is full of experimental and testing/debugging related  
features but if needed I can extract some appropriate variant and  
provide open source code for it. In this kind of complex methods open  
source code and/or alternative implementations and/or reference  
implementations are important to guarantee that the method (and the  
implementation that will be used in the actual election) is correct  
and does not contain any unintentional bugs nor any malicious  
bugs/"features" (and also to make it easier for people to trust that  
the system works as intended, not just to guarantee that it works as  
intended).


Problem reports and other comments are welcome. I hope not too many  
problem reports though :-). I will expand and improve (and otherwise  
modify, maybe even destroy) the calculator when time allows and I have  
the energy and ideas.


Juho






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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Juho,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Juho  a écrit :
> > If you are using proportional completion (or
> "symmetric completion") then
> > you're not using winning votes, you're using margins.
> 
> The described algorithm seemed to make the completion in a
> "non-symmetric" way, leading to comparing the proportions of
> the A>B and B>A votes.

I see...

> > Juho advocates MinMax(margins) which is why he posted
> this example
> 
> Not really because of the minmax part but to cover also
> margins in addition to winning votes.

Not sure what you mean by that, as the example I posted works with both.

> > (Schulze is usually assumed to use winning votes), and
> also why he didn't
> > like it when I pointed out that clone independence and
> ISDA were the
> > probable answers to your criteria question
> 
> That was on the minmax part. Minmax doesn't meet the Smith
> criterion and clone independence (in some extreme
> situations). Also in this case I wanted to cover also those
> methods in the discussion (in addition to the usual Smith+WV
> ones and criteria that those methods meet).
> 
> Kevin Venzke is usually more on the WV and Smith set line
> (right?).

I rarely advocate Smith. I find it such a weak criterion that it's not
worth sacrificing much to satisfy it. I prefer CDTT or criteria that are
reminiscent of it, geared towards respecting full majorities.

> When it comes to real life elections I tend to think that
> all common Condorcet methods are pretty similar, and because
> of that similarity all the vulnerabilities and dramatic
> looking criteria do not mean that much in real elections.
> They make wonderful tools for propaganda though since one
> can construct dramatic looking (often just theoretical, not
> real life like) examples and criteria.

I admit your truncation example was more dramatic than mine.

Kevin


  

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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Kristofer,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Kristofer Munsterhjelm  a 
écrit :
> >> Even so, the simulation would fail to catch
> certain aspects
> >> of the election cycle itself. Consider a two party
> state
> >> under FPTP. In a pure opinion-space analysis, the
> two
> >> parties would converge on a common point (the
> "center") in
> >> an effort to eat into each others' voters, yet in
> reality
> >> that doesn't seem to happen - the Republican and
> Democratic
> >> parties appeal to different voters.
> > 
> > A possible theory: They could not converge to the
> center because a
> > third candidate could decide to sit on the outer side
> of one, and still
> > be somewhat viable. So, a candidate needs to be far
> enough from the center
> > to discourage a rival nomination from the same side.
> 
> That is possible. Would primaries encourage that effect? If
> so, would we expect parties in two-party states without
> voter primaries to be closer to each other?

I'm not sure. I tend to view primaries as one form of a phenomenon that
will inevitably happen under FPP one way or another. If there's something
important about them I guess it has something to do with timing...

> >> There are other effects as well: Parties and
> candidates
> >> might also slide into corruption unless checked
> by
> >> competition. One could model that by a candidate
> wanting to
> >> both be elected and to be placed at a certain
> point in
> >> opinion space (individual corruption), or by
> candidates
> >> being attracted towards a certain area in opinion
> space
> >> (coordinated corruption, e.g. by lobbying).
> > 
> > Those are definitely interesting ideas. One would have
> to figure out the
> > formula that decides where increasing "electibility"
> is no longer desirable
> > to a candidate.
> 
> I imagine electability would be the first priority
> (excepting idealist candidates, but they aren't likely to be
> corrupted anyway). The candidate would reason: better to be
> elected and make a compromise than not make a compromise and
> not be elected. Within the space of positions he can take
> and still be elected, however, the candidate would tend
> towards a self-serving/corrupted point.

Well electability would be a percentage. So assuming that's the final
measure of the value of a position, I guess position on the "corruption
axis" could work as a bonus/penalty to this measure. Not quite sure how
it would work but I imagine the idea is that if you have two major
parties, both parties can seem to conspire to nominate candidates in
a region that no voters really like.


At the moment I've added to my utility simulation the ability to iterate
over some space rather than just be completely random. I'm checking all
elections in 1D space with 9 positions allowed (evenly spaced) for just
729 possible elections (some redundant due to symmetry). Then I'm going
to see if the methods differ, on these, with respect to which scenarios
don't give any of the three candidates incentive to move. And then for the
"stable" scenarios I'll check whether any candidates wanted to withdraw.
Could be interesting, could be dull. Hopefully it will give me a sense of
how productive a brand new simulation would be.

Kevin


  

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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Dave Ketchum

On Jun 16, 2010, at 9:57 PM, Kevin Venzke wrote:

Hi Kristofer,
--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Kristofer Munsterhjelm > a écrit :

Even so, the simulation would fail to catch

certain aspects

of the election cycle itself. Consider a two party

state

under FPTP. In a pure opinion-space analysis, the

two

parties would converge on a common point (the

"center") in

an effort to eat into each others' voters, yet in

reality

that doesn't seem to happen - the Republican and

Democratic

parties appeal to different voters.


A possible theory: They could not converge to the

center because a

third candidate could decide to sit on the outer side

of one, and still

be somewhat viable. So, a candidate needs to be far

enough from the center

to discourage a rival nomination from the same side.


That is possible. Would primaries encourage that effect? If
so, would we expect parties in two-party states without
voter primaries to be closer to each other?


I'm not sure. I tend to view primaries as one form of a phenomenon  
that
will inevitably happen under FPP one way or another. If there's  
something

important about them I guess it has something to do with timing...


Plurality NEEDS primaries because its voters can vote for only one.   
If X1 and X2 run for party X, without primaries, they can expect to  
each get only half the votes intended for party X.  If Y1 is the only  
candidate for party Y, Y1 has a big advantage over X1 and X2.



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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Kevin Venzke
Hi Dave,

--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Dave Ketchum  a écrit :
> >> That is possible. Would primaries encourage that
> effect? If
> >> so, would we expect parties in two-party states
> without
> >> voter primaries to be closer to each other?
> > 
> > I'm not sure. I tend to view primaries as one form of
> a phenomenon that
> > will inevitably happen under FPP one way or another.
> If there's something
> > important about them I guess it has something to do
> with timing...
> 
> Plurality NEEDS primaries because its voters can vote for
> only one.  If X1 and X2 run for party X, without
> primaries, they can expect to each get only half the votes
> intended for party X.  If Y1 is the only candidate for
> party Y, Y1 has a big advantage over X1 and X2.

What I'm saying is that if we didn't have primaries, candidates would
either drop out or voters would decide not to support them, so that
there would still only be two viable candidates on election day. What I'm
unclear on is what effect primaries have (or we should expect that they
have) on candidate positions in comparison to just having candidates drop
off as they start to lose in the polls.

Kevin Venzke


  

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Re: [EM] Thoughts on a nomination simulation

2010-06-16 Thread Dave Ketchum

On Jun 16, 2010, at 11:11 PM, Kevin Venzke wrote:

Hi Dave,
--- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Dave Ketchum  
 a écrit :

That is possible. Would primaries encourage that

effect? If

so, would we expect parties in two-party states

without

voter primaries to be closer to each other?


I'm not sure. I tend to view primaries as one form of

a phenomenon that

will inevitably happen under FPP one way or another.

If there's something

important about them I guess it has something to do

with timing...

Plurality NEEDS primaries because its voters can vote for
only one.  If X1 and X2 run for party X, without
primaries, they can expect to each get only half the votes
intended for party X.  If Y1 is the only candidate for
party Y, Y1 has a big advantage over X1 and X2.


What I'm saying is that if we didn't have primaries, candidates would
either drop out or voters would decide not to support them, so that
there would still only be two viable candidates on election day.  
What I'm
unclear on is what effect primaries have (or we should expect that  
they
have) on candidate positions in comparison to just having candidates  
drop

off as they start to lose in the polls.


True that candidates can drop out, and some might respond to  
unexpected competition with such.  Voters deciding not to support X1/ 
X2 is possible.  My point was that plurality can be helped via  
primaries when your alternatives fail.


Kevin Venzke




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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
Hi,

Kevin, thanks for the comment.
Well, it is true, that Schulze writes in
http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze1.pdf, page 154, that "There has been
some debate about how to define D [Schulze ranking relation] when it is
presumed that on the one side each voter has a sincere linear ordering of
the candidates, but on the other side some voters cast only a partial
ordering because of strategic considerations. We got to the conclusion that
the strength (N[e,f],N[f,e]) of the pairwise win ef ∈ A × A should be
measured primarily by the absolute number of votes for the winner of this
pairwise defeat N[e,f] and secondarily by the absolute number of votes for
the loser of this pairwise defeat N[f,e]."

However, for Schulze STV, proportional completion is used for incomplete
orderings (see page 42 in http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf).
I thought, that Schulze STV reduces to Schulze Condorcet in the case where
there is one seat.
Now, this seems not to be the case when we have incomplete ballots (i.e. we
allow for equal ranking of candidates), as Schulze Condorcet uses winning
(and losing) votes and Schulze STV uses proportional completion before
deciding upon winning votes.

Maybe Markus Schulze could comment on this himself.
I think proportional completion could be used in Schulze Condorcet, but
there is obviously one big open question in this respect.
Does Schulze Condorcet (proportional completion) meet the same criteria as
Schulze (WV),
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schulze_method#Satisfied_and_failed_criteria?

Kevin, you seem to say that Shulze Condorcet (proportional completion) does
meet the same criteria as Minimax(margins), quote "If you are using
proportional completion (or "symmetric completion") then you're not using
winning votes, you're using margins".
Are you sure about this?

Schulze Condorcet (proportional completion) gives different results than
Schulze Condorcet (margins).

For instance: Say we have two pairwise defeats and 100 voters - A vs B.
First defeat A-B, 1-5. Margin gives 4 as the strength of the win.
Proportional completion gives: 1+94*1/6 - 5+94*5/6=16,67-83,33, i.e. a
margin of 66,67 (94 voters, each split into two with proportional weights).
Second defeat A-B, 48-52. The margin is 4 both with proportional completion
and without.

Thus, it seems that proportional completion gives different results from
both the winning (losing) votes approach and the margin approach for
truncated Condorcet ballots.
The natural question is:
What are the differences in satisfied and failed criteria (
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schulze_method#Satisfied_and_failed_criteria)
between Schulze Condorcet (proportional completion) and, Schulze Condorcet
(WV)?

Best regards
Peter Zborník

On Wed, Jun 16, 2010 at 11:29 PM, Kevin Venzke  wrote:

> Hi Peter,
>
> --- En date de : Mer 16.6.10, Peter Zbornik  a écrit :
> >Thus: "If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B
> >in winning votes based Condorcet methods."
> >
> >This is correct, if proportional completion is not used (see page 42
> >in http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf)
> >If proportional completion is used (which I would recommend) then B wins.
>
> If you are using proportional completion (or "symmetric completion") then
> you're not using winning votes, you're using margins.
>
> Juho advocates MinMax(margins) which is why he posted this example
> (Schulze is usually assumed to use winning votes), and also why he didn't
> like it when I pointed out that clone independence and ISDA were the
> probable answers to your criteria question
>
> Kevin Venzke
>
>
>
>
> 
> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
>

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Re: [EM] Condorcet question - why not bullet vote

2010-06-16 Thread Peter Zbornik
On Thu, Jun 17, 2010 at 1:06 AM, Juho Laatu  wrote:

> On Jun 16, 2010, at 11:49 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:
>
> Juho,
>
> we have the example
> 49: A
> 48: B>C
> 3: C>B
>
> you wrote to me:
> "- C loses to B, 3-48. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 48.
> - B loses to A, 48-49. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 49.
> - A loses to C, 49-51. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 51."
>
> Thus: "If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B
> in winning votes based Condorcet methods."
>
> This is correct, if proportional completion is not used (see page 42 in
> http://m-schulze.webhop.net/schulze2.pdf)
> If proportional completion is used (which I would recommend) then B wins.
>
>
> Yes, the example applies to (typical) winning votes based methods. Other
> approaches like margins and the referenced approach may provide different
> results.
>
>
> If proportional completion is used, then we need to fill in the preferences
> of the ones who did not vote:
> We have 100 voters.
> - C loses to B, 3-48, means 49 voters did not vote. We split each voter
> into two: the first has weight 3/51 of a vote and the second 48/51, which
> gives a total score of 49*3/51+3 vs 49*48/51+48
> - B loses to A, 48-49, means 3 voters did not vote. We split each voter
> into two: the first has weight 48/97 and the second 49/97, which gives a
> total score of 3*48/97+48 vs 3*49/97+49
> - A loses to C, 49-51, means all voters voted.
>
> Thus after the proportional completion, the vote tally is the following:
> - C loses to B, 5,88-94,12. In winning votes the strength of this loss
> is 94,12.
> - B loses to A, 49,48-50,52. In winning votes the strength of this loss
> is 50,52. (delete this link first)
>
>
> What link?
>
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schulze_method#The_Schwartz_set_heuristic,
point 3

>
> - A loses to C, 49-51. In winning votes the strength of this loss is 51.
>
> Thus B wins if proportional completion is used. C wins without proportional
> completion.
>
>
> There are many different approaches to measuring the preference strength of
> the pairwise comparisons. Winning votes and margins are the most common
> ones. The referenced approach would be a third approach. It seems to be the
> proportion of the given votes. Correct?
>
Yes, the proportion is the same and the result is scaled up to the number of
voters, and is suggested by Markus Schulze as mentioned below.
Something similar (splitting up observations into two complementary) is done
in statistics, when measuring the predictive strength of a logistic
regression function on validation data.

>
> 94,12 = 100/(3/48+1), i.e. the proportion of the preferences (48:3) scaled
> in another way (100/(1/x+1))
>
> (Shortly back to the original question. Unfortunately I don't have any
> interesting proportion specific truncation related examples or properties in
> my ind right now.)
>
> Juho
>
>
>
>
>
> Best regards
> Peter Zborník
>
> On Wed, Jun 16, 2010 at 9:35 PM, Juho  wrote:
>
>> On Jun 16, 2010, at 9:39 PM, Peter Zbornik wrote:
>>
>>  In what situations will bullet voting help my candidate to win
>>> (considering the advanced Condorcet systems)?
>>>
>>
>> Here's one more example where a reasonably small number of strategic
>> voters can change the result.
>>
>> 49: A
>> 48: B>C
>> 3: C>B
>>
>> If the three C voters will truncate then they will win instead of B in
>> winning votes based Condorcet methods.
>>
>> Juho
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> 
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>> info
>>
>
> 
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>
>
>
> 
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>

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