-Caveat Lector-

Euphorian spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited site and thought you should see it.

To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited site, go to 
http://www.guardian.co.uk

Terrorism is truly a great evil and we've made it worse
Our response has done nothing but increase the threat to liberty
Hugo Young
Monday September 09 2002
The Guardian


A few months after 9/11, I wrote a column alluding to terrorism as the largest threat 
facing the world, and the campaign against it as inevitably the central concern of all 
right-thinking governments. The brutal crime committed on that September morning, and 
the global upheavals that have grown out of it, seemed to engulf all other crises. The 
event defined international, and even a lot of national, politics. What happened at 
the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon was inextinguishably prime. I wrote this 
without much thought. It seemed so obviously true. Such, I think, was the mindset of 
many people as the year 2001 turned into 2002.

That casual judgment, however, did not pass unchallenged. There were and are those who 
reject the setting of terrorism as the priority of priorities, and regard this ranking 
as itself a threat to the peace of the world. I'm not referring here to the 
anti-American fellow travellers who have surfaced in the past year, and seem able to 
persuade themselves that Osama bin Laden is a folk hero. I mean people, mostly on the 
concerned and moderate western left, who regard the very elevation of terrorism to the 
top of the list as part of the problem, not the solution, an essential prop for the 
warrior mind of President Bush.

Without it, for example, the US would still be a free country. Such has been the 
hysteria induced by 9/11 that Americans have seen some of their freedoms brutally whit 
tled way. Elements of the police state - nameless suspects, judgeless detentions, 
unlimited breaches of habeas corpus, for non-Americans and also in some instances US 
citizens - were swiftly imposed on the land of the free. Only now is a scattering of 
federal judges beginning to get a grip on this and ask questions. Such profoundly 
un-American activity has caused little outcry. It would not have been tolerated except 
in an atmosphere that reduces every problem other than terrorism to insignificance.

What we lack, people began to say after the dust from the twin towers settled, is 
perspective. The simplistic priority has been married to simplistic solutions. 
Believing that the potential terrorist now defines the shape of everything, our rulers 
have imposed too much security, allocated vastly too many dollars to the Pentagon, and 
falsely inflated al-Qaida terrorism into a threat that justifies whole new assaults on 
the world order by the US and such allies as will go along with them.

Only by raising terrorism into this giant ogre, threatening the lives of innocents all 
over the world, would it ever have been possible to soup up war fever against Iraq, a 
country that has not been shown to have anything to do with what happened a year ago 
tomorrow. That's another count by some of the moderate left against, primarily, George 
Bush and Tony Blair.

The left looks, too, at the missed opportunities to do what really matters. Mesmerised 
by 9/11, they say, world leaders have hastened   quicker than ever to neglect the 
environment, hunger and poverty. Those should be top of the list of any fair 
assessment of what deserves their attention. Terrorism, which can never be entirely 
wiped out, is a distraction. It should take its place in a balance sheet which records 
that, at a fundamental level, 9/11 really changed nothing in a world rife with 
injustice, violence and danger - especially the world as seen from Gaza, Cairo or 
Islamabad, and not just New York City.

 I wish I could agree with this call for mature insouciance, one year on. But I do not 
think it is rationally available. It seems to me that what happened has in no way been 
exaggerated, and that it did indeed profoundly change the world. What has happened 
since was not due to a misperception of the threat but to the sheer limitations of the 
mainly American technique and mindset in responding to it.

A wholly new phenomenon was born that day, which makes every westerner, and every 
modernistic easterner, look over their shoulder every day of the week for the 
religious fanatic and suicide attacker who is stateless, nerve-less and unamenable to 
negotiation of any kind. The crime of 9/11 not only will never be forgotten, it set a 
benchmark and a precedent, entirely outside the state system, that legitimised in a 
certain kind of fundamentalist mind actions of a similar sort, against which we have 
to be on our guard at all times. There's no way this can be talked down, or smoothed 
out of existence. It imports into the modern world something the modern world has so 
far proved incapable of dealing with.

The modern world, the target of these crimes, offers only old responses. The most 
valuable response would be intelligence, but we do not have it. This is without doubt 
the scariest aspect. Even on its own soil, the vast US intelligence apparatus has 
spent a year failing to track down the source of anthrax attacks on prominent 
individuals. In tracking al-Qaida, the CIA and the special forces appear to be almost 
as vainly impotent. Look at how close they said they got to Bin Laden in Tora Bora, 
before letting him slip. We learn that pinpoint intelligence efforts against such 
elusive enemies are extraordinarily difficult.

So the alternative is introduced: sweeping laws, or non-laws, that gather up hundreds 
of ill-defined suspects for detentions and interrogations that have led, as far as 
we're allowed to know, nowhere. These desperate flailings are a substitute for 
effective action. They do incalculable harm to the quality of life of a great nation, 
without any compensating benefit. Terrorism is indeed the greatest threat to life, but 
the response can seemingly do no better than amplify the threat to liberty.

The displacement effect is seen still more clearly, and more dangerously, over Iraq. 
Unable to catch Bin Laden, we turn to Saddam Hussein. Two different phenomena are 
parlayed into one. Attacking Iraq might conceivably unseat Saddam, though the 
legitimacy of doing so remains substantially wanting. But in any case, our leaders 
seem indifferent to the consequences for the original campaign, the post-9/11 
super-priority, which was supposed to be against al-Qaida terrorism. Going into Iraq, 
whatever else it might achieve, will have the certain effect of recruiting more of the 
Islamic street to al-Qaida's misbegotten cause. Yet it was to further this 
possibility, and work out its logistics, that Mr Blair went to see Mr Bush at Camp 
David, their way of marking the first anniversary of 9/11.

These enemies are all mightily dangerous. They offer plausible threats, though for 
Saddam any action would surely carry greater risk than for Bin Laden. There has been 
no mis-categorisation of the evils in the world, for without freedom from the 
suiciders, what state can organise itself to address inequality and injustice and 
other causes that seem to legitimise the terrorist? But our responses, so far, have 
made the problem worse. That's our inadequacy. It's why the anniversary finds the 
world, instead of buoyed by reassurance from the great defenders of order and 
legitimacy, uniquely depressed.

· [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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