On Thu, Nov 7, 2024 at 12:14 PM, hari kumar wrote:

> 
> So is a soberly optimistic realism to be eschewed? I think not... I have no
> answer... But without the broadest front - we are unable to best prepare.

Hari, I agree with you in theory, and in your practice you are one of the 
better examples I know of someone trying to build a Leninist organization by 
moving in an uncharacteristically non-sectarian way in broader  left-wing 
circles. I also agree that a Leninist group better “prepares" activists to 
intervene in outbreaks of mass activity by providing them with the necessary 
political education and organizing skills. And, finally, I agree that if such 
mass activity were to culminate in a revolutionary crisis, a democratic 
centralist party would be required to lead it to a successful conclusion.

Where I think we might disagree if we were in a Leninist group together is 
whether it is also necessary, as you believe, to promote a “soberly optimistic 
realism”, or, more commonly, an “optimism of the will” in the face of 
“pessimism of the intellect.”  The problem is that what is optimistic is not 
realistic outside of the revolutionary periods Leninist parties were designed 
for. In order to endure, these groups must necessarily persuade themselves that 
the outlook is more promising than it  is. Then when the cadre venture into the 
field and confront the low level of class struggle, especially where it is 
centred in the unions, it quickly becomes apparent that the revolution is not 
around the corner and they leave their groups rather than agitate on their 
behalf. That is why so many  competing Leninist groups have remained so 
marginal in our lifetime and have lost far more cadre than they have gained 
from their exposure to the masses and their organizations.  I'm not alone on 
this list in having had that experience, an  unintended consequence of 
promoting “optimistic realism”.

I also think it's mistaken to believe that such preparation is necessary 
because the Leninist organization is destined to intersect with and lead the 
impending radicalization. I don ’ t know if you are among those who promote 
that view, but mine is that any working class radicalization would be expressed 
both outside and within the existing left-centre parties, and that the main 
forces of a new revolutionary socialist party are in fact more likely to emerge 
from these reformist organizations after an internal struggle to change their 
direction and leadership. This understanding also has serious political 
implications,  and is not shared by many Leninist groups which oppose any 
orientation to the dominant left-centre formations even when there is motion to 
the left or groups like the DSA within them.

My perspective has been shaped by my own reintroduction to the contemporary 
left since moving to the West Coast nearly a decade ago.  Except for a brief 
interlude during the pandemic when most political activity ceased, I was 
successively involved in a variety of local organizations - the Social and 
Environmental Alliance, Climate Justice Victoria. the Victoria Affordable 
Housing Coalition, and a Jacobin study group as well as an ad hoc coalition 
which organized a mass demonstration after Trump was elected in 2016 in 
solidarity with the US women’s movement.  I also briefly “entered" the NDP in 
support of the left-wing candidate for the federal leadership, Nikki Ashton,  
the Canadian MP who was inspired by the Sanders movement across the border.  
All of these initiatives were ephemeral and the groups were short-lived 
Potemkin Villages. That is what led me to state in reply to your earlier 
message that “d rafting and trading blueprints on how (an organization to the 
left of the DP)  might be ‘built' in the absence of a mass working class 
radicalization is IMO an idealist exercise...”  But I know you rarely engage in 
that exercise and were in fact correcting Michael for seeming to do so. My 
comment was mainly intended for those on the list other than yourselves, for 
those who most loudly proclaim their revolutionary bona fides. There seems to 
be an inverse relationship between issuing proclamations for a new party over 
the internet and actual exposure to the mass organizations of the working class 
and its allies as they are today.


-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group.
View/Reply Online (#33404): https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/33404
Mute This Topic: https://groups.io/mt/109441085/21656
-=-=-
POSTING RULES & NOTES
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
#4 Do not exceed five posts a day.
-=-=-
Group Owner: [email protected]
Unsubscribe: https://groups.io/g/marxmail/leave/13617172/21656/1316126222/xyzzy 
[[email protected]]
-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-


Reply via email to