See if I can respond to all 3 in post:

Hari:
* agree--soviet is the most highly developed form, meaning there can be many 
"lower forms"-- like a simple strike committee; like a workers defense group; 
like unionizing effort--but a)all are derived from their class basis b) none of 
the forms are supposed to restrict the participants from presenting their own 
critiques and remedies.  How vigorously the participants exercise those facets 
is a tactical decision, not an ideological one.
* not a question of which individuals participate as individuals or 
representatives; it's an issue of program and  platform.  For example back in 
the day there was a coup in Honduras ( 
https://thewolfatthedoor.blogspot.com/2009/08/honduras.html ) overthrowing 
Zelaya.  Mass protests erupted. led in the main by unions and unionized 
workers, which were quickly  attacked by the armed forces.  Now some wanted a 
"Constituent Assembly" but the real issue behind the coup was  privatization of 
state utilities (telecom). The US trained Cobra Squadron was used to make 
Honduras a safe place for private equity.  A united front would have emerged, 
not from the demand for Zelaya's return to power or a Constituent Assembly but 
from the organization of defense guards from the workers to protect the unions, 
possibly leading to discussions  to place the state utilities under union 
control, to suspend all US assistance to the military, etc. Possibly
* Of course not. But neither is the "nothing" beneficial to a united front.
* Again--its's a question of program, actions, demands.  If your "widest  
front" means the "nothing" must be observed, that actions taken by the workers 
and poor against the bourgeois machinery of corporation and state--then your 
front will only weaken those workers and poor.  The "widest possible front" was 
tried in Spain and again in Chile.  Didn't work.
Mark B:
* "The movement was a united front of a special type, not between mass 
organizations of the working class for a concrete set of demands, but between 
diverse and multiclass elements whose sole bond of unity was to oppose the 
war"--exactly and w/o debating the whole issue again, that "brief" severely 
constrained a movement to a single issue that not only resisted identifying the 
cause, but also welcomed those bourgeois representatives in their attempt to 
deflect the movement back into the very institutions that executed the 
policy--the Democratic Party, Congress etc.
* "The inevitable logic of a multi-issue umbrella including such groups as SANE 
would have to be a coalition of radical-liberal forces subordinated to the 
multi-issue program of the liberal politicians, to a wing of the Democratic 
Party, in the practicalities of the situation. In Marxist terminology, the 
technical name for such a coalition is a 'popular front.'"--which is what 
happened to those attracted to the movement.

MG:
* Sure I would. If Trump throws the NY Times out of White House press briefings 
and the Dems want to organize a protest, while controlling the tactics and 
limiting demands to "free speech" "free press" I certainly would not join in 
the structure set up by the Dems to lead the demonstration. Attendance, 
agitation, in the body of the demonstration is something else. Now if that 
demonstration was attacked by fascists- I think a Marxist organization would 
offer physical defense of the demonstrators, but again refrain from 
participating in the structure created by the Dems

I hope I have been sufficiently unambiguous and ambiguous..


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