Re: orion-list [ANE] The Restructuring of ORION (offlist)

2002-12-18 Thread RGmyrken
Dear Rochelle,

You do seem to run a fairly tight ship at IOUDAIOS-L.

Russell Gm.

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orion-list Re: [ANE] The Restructuring of ORION and a new Place to Discuss Qumran

2002-12-16 Thread RGmyrken
George,

Technically, the period when the Dead Sea Scrolls were written (i.e. 2nd 
and 1st century BCE) is later than ANE is intended for.  Occasional postings 
on the scrolls used to be tolerated, though.  My understanding is that past 
discussions of scrolls topics on ANE tended to violate the list's standards 
of courtesy, etc., so that the moderator finally asked that the subject be 
discussed elsewhere (at the time, Orion).  Some of the more thoughtful, 
original scrolls scholars have basically given up on list discussions 
(including Orion) from being flamed or misrepresented a few times too often - 
sometimes by lurkers banned from Orion who do their flaming on other lists.  
This sort of censorship by discourtesy is unfortunate and has led to the 
demise of on-line scrolls discussion (IMO).  For the moment there appears to 
be no list for scrolls scholars, now probably including Orion, which is a 
real pity.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

(P.S. Cross-posting on Orion.)

  Russell Gmirkin and Others,
  
  Russell recently wrote:
  This really isn't the proper forum for Qumran discussions...
  
  Today I just received word that Orion was no longer going
  to be supporting a discussion list.
  
  Other than this list [ANE], where would be a better place
  to discuss Qumran, Essene and related issues?
  
  George Brooks
  Tampa, FL
  USA

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Re: orion-list Essene cemetery at Jericho?

2002-06-09 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Joe Zias,

Thanks for your comments.
I agree that Golb's idea of Qumran as fortress with military cemetery is 
dead, but I don't think Hirschfeld's analysis of the site of Qumran can 
be easily dismissed (although his proposal of Essenes above En Gedi appears 
incorrect).  The lower Jordan valley and Dead Sea littoral was important in 
terms of palm plantations, balsam and other aromatics.  Qumran appears 
connected to Ein Feshka which had palms, and there is evidence of palm 
products at Qumran.  There is also the unexplained installations at Ein 
Feshka, doubtless agriculturally related.  So I don't think there is a real 
problem in viewing Qumran as an agricultural site (where I am including date 
harvesting, balsam collection, etc., as agricultural enterprises).  
What slight evidence there is in Josephus on Essenes contemporary with 
Period I (i.e. the episode with Judah the Essene in 101 BCE) sees them 
comfortably ensconced in Jerusalem and teaching at the temple.  My own 
interpretation of Qumran Period Ib is that it was one of the sites where 
(largely Sadducee) former partisans of Alexander Jannaeus went into exile 
when driven from Jerusalem by the Pharisees in the well-known episode in c. 
76 BCE.  The (much-debated) Hymn to King Jannaeus found at Qumran provides 
some support for this hypothesis IMO.  Such a historical background for the 
expanded Period Ib site would adequately explains the mikvot at the site.
Certainly these are exciting times in terms of Qumran archaeology.  
Hopefully a full publication of the archaeological data, seasoned with a 
little healthy debate, will serve to clarify many important issues regarding 
the site and its occupants.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Essene cemetery at Jericho?

2002-06-09 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Joe Zias,

Not to be a bother, but I recently reread your article The Cemeteries of 
Qumran and Celibacy in DSD 7, and I had some follow-up queries.  First, if I 
understand the diagram in Figure 1 from Humbert and Chabon, and read de Vaux 
correctly, the graves in the southern cemetery are aligned north-south (with 
the exception of T4), excluding of course the southern extension.  Yet if I 
read your article correctly, the excavated graves of the main southern 
cemetery are bedouin (as especially indicated by the grave goods in T1, i.e. 
jewelry, which I think are your best indicator of distinctive cultural 
background).  May I then infer that bedouins used the same layout, etc., in 
the main southern cemetery as the Essene burials in the central and 
northern sections?  Do you consider the southern cemetery to also include 
Essene graves?
   Also, the extensions to the north, central, and southern sections are 
mainly laid out north-south, though a little more casually (with notable 
exceptions of some east-west in the southern extension).  Are these 
extensions also bedouin in your view?  To what extent is it accurate to say 
that bedouin graves at Qumran share the north-south orientations of the 
Essene burials?  
   Also, although you note that at least one of the southern burials is 
anomalously shallow, is it correct to say that the graves you label bedouin 
also share the shaft grave architecture of the others?  
   
Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Essene cemetery at Jericho?

2002-06-07 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Joe Zias,

First, I think your observations on the apparent bedouin burials in the 
auxiliary cemetery (if I may call it that) is one of the more important 
recent contributions to Qumran archaeology, alongside Hirschfeld's 
identification of the remains as a fortified manor house based on comparison 
with architectural layouts of other sites.  
A couple questions.  
First, do I recall correctly that others have argued that more than one 
skeleton in the main cemetery were female or possibly female?  Certainly 
spindle whorls and fabric fragments at Qumran show a female presence at the 
site.
Second, are there other social contexts in which cemeteries are found 
that are predominantly male?  It seems to me a sectarian interpretation of 
this datum is not the only possible one.  For instance, a very basic 
question, what are the ratios of males to females in agricultural or 
industrial sites?  This seems especially relevant since the fortified manor 
house layout suggests the site may have been more of an agricultural 
enterprise (perhaps associated with the palms of Ein Feshka) rather than a 
private domicile.
Third, even if one granted a hypothesis that the site were sectarian, 
what sect is indicated by the archaeological data?  The halachic texts have 
important affinities with Sadducee tenets, and indeed the only Qumran texts 
with significant parallels to Josephus' description of the Essenes are 1QS 
and certain portions of CD that display influence from 1QS.  This had an 
undue influence on the earliest generation of scrolls scholars who hadn't 
seen 11QT, 4QMMT, etc.  So one must ask, does the archaeology of the site 
better correlate with Essenes or Sadducees?  Mikvaot were common to all the 
sects, I imagine.  It seems to me the toilet found within the site of Qumran 
rather argues against an Essene identification.  And what of the proximity of 
the cemetery to Qumran?  It seems to me a sound archaeological approach would 
consider possible correlations with all three sects, not jump the gun and 
equate religious features at the site (e.g. the mikvaot) as pointing to the 
Essenes.  Pliny is often prematurely invoked, but the religious architecture 
is primarily associated with Period Ib, while at best Pliny's testimony 
points to Essenes in Period II (and not necessarily as owners of the estate).
I will be very interested in your insights.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

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Re: orion-list Essene cemetery at Jericho?

2002-05-31 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Jürgen Zangenberg and Joe Zias,

   Thank you for your replies.  I admire both of your contributions to the 
field and hoped you would respond.  Joe, I will reread your article from DSD. 
 On the relationship between Qumran and Ain el-Ghuweir, as I recall a recent 
article in IEJ  on spectrographic analysis of the pottery clays showed no 
connection, and the stratigraphy shows the sites have different occupation 
histories, so the similarities in the cemeteries is somewhat of a puzzle.
If I am to understand both your replies correctly, graves of the same 
architecture as Kenyon described have been found elsewhere in Judea (though 
not with the same orientation or grave goods).  This is an interesting datum. 
 I'm not sure characterizing the grave type as Essene (as Kenyon did) is 
particularly helpful.  Qumran grave type might be a more objective 
description.  The poverty of grave goods isn't as much of a signature of 
Qumran as it used to be, in light of the recently discovered mausoleum with 
zinc-lined coffin!  It seems to me this find indicates a social 
stratification at Qumran between rich owners and relatively impoverished 
agricultural workers much as was undoubtedly the case in other estates in and 
around Jericho.  The ostracon discovered at Qumran, which Yardeni's 
decipherment showed to be a simple agricultural deed of transfer, appears to 
document a fairly straight forward connection between Qumran and Jericho 
landowners IMO.  As I recall there are also some parallels in the aqueducts 
of Qumran and the lower Jordan valley (and other sites).  Perhaps Jürgen you 
could elaborate on archaeological links you see between Jericho and Qumran.  
It seems to me that regional archaeological patterns and connections have 
been historically somewhat neglected in favor of a sectarian interpretation 
of the Qumran site.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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orion-list Qumran Hebrew

2002-05-27 Thread RGmyrken

 Before the publication of all the scrolls, the language of the scrolls 
was classified as Late Biblical Hebrew, largely based on the Isaiah scroll.  
More recently the terminology Qumran Hebrew has become current.  Can anyone 
on the list refer me to recent bibliography on the relationship of Qumran 
Hebrew to Classical Hebrew, Late Biblical Hebrew, etc.?
 Thanks,
 Russell Gmirkin
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orion-list Qumran Hebrew

2002-05-27 Thread RGmyrken

 Before the publication of all the scrolls, the language of the scrolls 
was classified as Late Biblical Hebrew, largely based on the Isaiah scroll.  
More recently the terminology Qumran Hebrew has become current.  Can anyone 
on the list refer me to recent bibliography on the relationship of Qumran 
Hebrew to Classical Hebrew, Late Biblical Hebrew, etc.?
 Thanks,
 Russell Gmirkin
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orion-list Qumran Hebrew

2002-05-27 Thread RGmyrken

 Before the publication of all the scrolls, the language of the scrolls 
was classified as Late Biblical Hebrew, largely based on the Isaiah scroll.  
More recently the terminology Qumran Hebrew has become current.  Can anyone 
on the list refer me to recent bibliography on the relationship of Qumran 
Hebrew to Classical Hebrew, Late Biblical Hebrew, etc.?
 Thanks,
 Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Rising Sun

2002-04-25 Thread RGmyrken

   You might try Menahem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, 
vol. 2.  I think you're referring to Appian of Alexandria.  From my reading 
of secondary literature, the only original classical sources on the Essenes 
are Josephus, Philo, Dio Chrysostom (and perhaps Hegesippus).  Later sources 
depend on these, so I would assume Appian's reference derives from Josephus.  

 I am looking for a reference to Appian claiming that
  Essenes worshipped the rising sun, I know Josephus
  hints that they made a supplication for its rising.
  Is the Appian claim based on the comments by Josephus?
  
  Phil Smith
  
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Re: orion-list Rising Sun

2002-04-25 Thread RGmyrken

Phil,

   Although I don't have Stern volume II in front of me -- only selective 
photocopies -- I note from the index listing under Essenes in vol. III that 
there is nothing in the page number range for Appian of Alexandria.  So I am 
at a loss as to the source you are quoting.  Is there really an Appian who 
was not a Graeco-Roman author who mentioned the Essenes?  
   Also, I omitted Pliny from the list of primary sources on the Essenes, 
plus I miswrote Hippolytus for Heggesippus.  So much for posting without 
sufficient caffiene.  By the way, Epiphanius - who obviously must be used 
with great caution, writing late as he does - associates the Ossenes of 
Tranjordan (perhaps, but not certainly, related to the Essenes of earlier 
times) and Sampseans, the latter name probably deriving from Shamash.  It has 
been suggested that the Sampseans were sun-worshippers (or perhaps accused of 
this by outsiders?), so there may be an Ossene-sun-worshipping connection.  
The Ossenes Epiphanius knew were somewhat syncretistic, and indeed he 
considers them to overlap with the Elchasites.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

 I am looking for a reference to Appian claiming that
  Essenes worshipped the rising sun, I know Josephus
  hints that they made a supplication for its rising.
  Is the Appian claim based on the comments by Josephus?
  
  Phil Smith
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Re: orion-list V2002 #13 (Daniel / Ezekiel)

2002-04-16 Thread RGmyrken

   There is also,

   M. Noth, Noah, Daniel and Hiob in Ezechiel XVI, VT 1 (1951) 253-59.

   My own research indicates that Mesopotamian influences on the HB are much 
later than commonly imagined, and I suspect the same is true for Canaanite.  
On the other hand we see Dan'el as a Watcher in 1 En. as well as Jubilees, 
where he is a father-in-law to one of the pre-flood figures from Genesis, so 
the prophet Daniel is not the only potential source for a Daniel reference.  
I haven't seen a compelling case that the Watcher Dan'el connects up with the 
Canaanite figure.  Do we have three distinct Daniels in the Biblical and 
para-Biblical literature?

Best regards,
Russell Gmikrin

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Re: orion-list Slain prophets

2002-04-05 Thread RGmyrken

Thanks for the responses.  
Dwight, it is interesting that although the Prayer of Manasseh was found 
at Qumran, it contains no sectarian language, while the Martyrdom of Isaiah, 
absent at Qumran, does (mainly in its demonology).  Hence my curiousity 
whether we see the general idea of slain prophets at Qumran (which is e.g. 
picked up in the NT).  There are slight parallels with the attempts on the 
life of the TR.  Additionally, the slain lamb (probably Onias III) that had 
been crying out to the blind sheep in the Animal Apocalypse in 1 Enoch 
appears to be a slain prophet, and fragments of AA was found at Qumran.  But 
I was hoping for something a little more unambiguous.
There is an interesting discussion of Manasseh in G. Doudna's newly 
published book, _4Q Pesher Nahum:  A Critical Edition_ (Sheffield Academic 
Press, 2001).  He argues that the figure of Manasseh in 4QpNah iv was drawn 
from King Manasseh, convincingly IMO.  I would note that in this column, 
Manasseh's kingdom falls and Manasseh and his wives and sons go into 
captivity, much as in the Martyrdom of Isaiah, where Manasseh is predicted to 
go into captivity, but there is no repentance as in Chronicles / Prayer of 
Manasseh.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

  The only reference to King Manasseh, at a glance, is 4Q351 (Apocryphal
  Psalms), the Prayer of Manasseh, after his repentance. All other refs to
  Manasseh in the scrolls appear to be related to the tribe of Manasseh. 
There
  is no relation of Manasseh to Isaiah at all. It would seem the positive 
view
  of Manasseh, as in Chronicles, prevails.
  
  Dwight Swanson
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Re: orion-list Boccaccini: Beyond Essene Hypothesis?

2002-03-15 Thread RGmyrken

Hi Soren,

I just read most of Boccaccini's book -- skipped over his discussion of 
the Essenes in classical sources.  Boccaccini's thesis runs something like 
this.  First, he distinguishes and contrasts between Enochian Judaism (i.e. 
that responsible for the Enoch literature) and Zadokite Judaism (by which he 
means that associated with the Zadokite high priesthood - the high priests of 
the second temple down to Onias III
- which he associates with the Biblical texts and Mosaic Judaism).  He 
considers the Enoch literature to be opposed to that of the temple, high 
priests, and Moses (who doesn't appear in the Enoch literature).  Drawing 
somewhat on the ideas of Philip Davies' and F. Garcia Martinez, Boccaccini 
hypothesizes that the Essenes in post-Maccabean times, utilizing both 
Enochian and Zadokite literature, and that the Qumran sect was an offshoot of 
the Essenes c. 100 BCE.  He then analyzes the Qumran texts and detects an 
alienation of the Qumran sect from Enochian Judaism.  I hope my brief summary 
is reasonably accurate.  If not, any inaccuracies are purely unintentional.
On the opposition of Enochian and Zadokite Judaism, I think Boccaccini 
has gone beyond the evidence.  He says the Enoch literature is opposed to 
Mosaic, Zadokite Judaism, and it is true that (a) Enoch rather than Moses is 
the central figure; (b) in the Animal Apocalypse the second temple is viewed 
unfavorably, its offerings impure even in the Persian Period.  This is 
interesting, and it does tend to show opposition to the current priests and 
temple.  But Boccaccini asserts that while the Zadokite texts view the temple 
and priests as the defenders of moral purity, the Enoch literature views the 
entire world hopelessly and universaly evil, corrupted by the Watchers and 
even after the flood by the demons that were the souls of the drowned giants. 
 If I read Boccaccini right, Enoch was the last righteous man, translated to 
the angelic realm before the evil of the Watchers took over the earth.  I 
just do not see this as an accurate take on the Enoch texts.  Yes, evil is in 
the world, at least partially traceable to the Watchers in the Enoch 
literature (notably the Book of Watchers).  But Mosaic, Zadokite Judaism 
also acknowledges the existence of evil.  And the books of Enoch do not 
exclude the possibility of the righteous people as well.  Indeed, in the 
Animal Apocalypse the Israelites go through different phases of good sheep 
(whose eyes are open) and blind sheep, etc.  Additionally, Moses appears as a 
positive figure in the Animal Apocalypse, and the Apocalypse of Weeks refers 
favorably to Noah, to Abraham as the planting of righteousness, to the Mosaic 
law at Sinai.  Boccaccini overlooks these references.  There just does not 
seem to be the conflict between Enochian literature and Zadokite / Mosaic 
literature as overstated in Boccaccini's scheme.  
IMO his view of Jubilees is symptomatic of his mistaken analysis.  
Acknowledging that Jubilees is in the Enochian tradition, he considers the 
positive treatment of Moses and the Zadokite outlook as an amazing innovation 
by the author of Jubilees, brilliantly reconciling the Enochian and Zadokite 
approaches.  This interpretation is only valid if Boccaccini's questionable 
model of an anti-Zadokite Enoch tradition is already granted.  Rather, IMO 
Jubilees merely shows that the Enoch literary tradition had no problem at all 
with Moses, Genesis / Exodus, or the whole Zadokite tradition.  The Enoch 
texts were also popular at Qumran, which is full of Zadokite texts.  
Similarly among Christians.  Where were Enoch texts used in another context 
in which the Biblical tradition was rejected??  Boccaccini acknowledges that 
the Enoch literature was not associated with a separate Jewish sect.  I 
basically think Boccaccini's Enochian Judaism is a mirage, in the sense that 
there's no evidence they rejected Mosaic traditions or literature.  That is 
not to say it wasn't popular with some specific subset of Judaism, just that 
whoever wrote the Enoch texts -- and this is an important unsolved problem -- 
also appear to have held Moses and the Torah in high esteem.  
Another problem in Boccaccini's scheme is his dating of texts, which is 
frequently wrong in my opinion.  For instance, he dates Jubilees after the 
Maccabean Crisis, based on Jub. 4:19, And he [Enoch] saw what was and what 
will be in a vision of his sleep as it will happen among the children of men 
in their generations until the day of judgment.  This he properly takes to 
be a reference to the Book of Dreams (1 En. 83-90).  The second dream in this 
sub-document consists of the Animal Apocalypse, which was written in 163 BCE 
(it surveys Biblical history down to this date), so Boccaccini dates Jubilees 
to the post-Maccabean era (after 163 BCE).  But Boccaccini fails to note that 
the Book of Dreams is comprised of two dreams, and that the Jubilees 
reference only refers to 

Re: orion-list AOL access

2002-02-18 Thread RGmyrken

In a message dated 2/18/2002 4:24:09 AM Pacific Standard Time, 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

 Dear all
  
  Those of you who have been using AOL to post messages messages to the
  Orion List in text only mode, please write to me
  at: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
  
  Moderator.

I have been using AOL 5.0 in preference to 6.0 or 7.0 since the latter 
versions have gone beyond the text-only format used for Orion.

Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Hyrcanus II TOR; Copenhagen defense invitation

2002-02-09 Thread RGmyrken

First, Greg, good luck on your upcoming defence of _4Q Pesher Nahum. A 
Critical Edition_.
As Peter wrote, it does seem certain that the Oniads were considered 
Zadokites, (especially on evidence of ben Sirach), but - siding with Greg 
here - I don't see any evidence that the Hasmoneans weren't also considered 
to be legitimate Zadokite priests.  The assertion that they weren't seems to 
have first surfaced in conjunction with the theory equating the Wicked Priest 
with the first of the Hasmonean high priests, i.e. Jonathan.  It seems pure 
supposition to me.  Note that the scrolls never level the charge that the WP 
was not Zadokite.  
   On the other hand all historical evidence points to Hyrkanus firmly 
aligned with the Pharisees.  Under Salome Alexandra, the Pharisee halakhah 
was reinstated that was earlier abrogated by Hyrkanus I, who had joined the 
Sadducees (Ant. XIII.296, 409).  Sadducee halakhah prevailed under the latter 
reign of Hyrkanus and all of Alexander Jannaeus, but Salome Alexandra 
converted to the Pharisees.  This is especially brought out in War I.108, 
110-111:
   (108) For this frail woman firmly held the reins oif government, thanks 
to her reputation for piety.  She was, indeed, the very strictest observer of 
the national traditions [patria] and would deprive of office any offenders 
against the sacred laws.
   (110) Besides Alexandra, and growing as she grew, arose the Pharisees, a 
body of Jews with the reputation of excelling the rest of their nation in the 
observances of religion, and as exact exponents of the laws.  (111) To them, 
being herself intensely religious, she listened with too great deference; 
while they, gradually taking advantage of an ingenuous woman, became at 
length the real administrators of the state...
Salome's piety, her religiousness, her strict observance of the national 
laws [patria] are all virtually equated with her deference to the Pharisees 
and their halakhah.  The Pharisees were especially associated with the 
traditions of the fathers or patria (Ant. XIII. 297, 409), which is to say 
the Oral Torah (Ant. XIII.297); this was their main point of dispute with the 
Sadducees (Ant. XIII.297).  The restoration of the ancestral laws or patria 
under Salome Alexandra is another way of saying Pharisee halakhah.  
Note that she would deprive of office any offenders against the sacred 
laws - i.e. the aforementioned [Pharisee] patria.  This obviously included 
the high priest Hyrkanus, who would indeed have played a dominant role in the 
implementation of Pharisee halakhah.  To understand what was meant by the 
national religious life conducted according to Pharisee halakhah, one may 
turn to the description of the Pharisees at Ant. XVIII.15:  All prayers 
[vows] and sacred rites of divine worship are performed according to their 
exposition.  Surely the implementation of Pharisee halakhah involved making 
sure that vows (performed at the temple) and sacred rites of divine worship 
(i.e. most importantly temple rites) were performed according to Pharisee 
interpretations.  Clearly Hyrkanus implemented Pharisee halakhah in the 
temple.  Is this consistent with Hyrkanus being the Teacher of Righteousness? 
 Of Hyrkanus entering into legal disputes with his opponents?  Of Hyrkanus 
risking his life on behalf of the law he promulgated?  Hardly, unless one 
advocates identifying the yachad with the Pharisees!
Again, Salome Alexandra was said to have turned the reigns of government 
over to Hyrkanus while she was still alive (War I.120).  The co-rule with the 
Pharisees clearly continued during this period.  In one episode this is 
explicit, when the elders of the Jews and Hyrkanus went to the queen and 
begged her to give them some counsel about the present situation 
[Aristobulus' revolt] (Ant. XIII.428).  The term elders here indicates the 
gerousia.  (Gerousia simply means council of elders; a comparison of 
Maccabees and Josephus shows that the terms elders and gerousia are 
interchangeable.)  Salome Alexander told Hyrkanus and the elders of the 
gerousia to do whatever was expedient, since they commanded the nation, the 
army, and money in the various treasuries (Ant. XIII.429); clearly Hyrkanus 
and the gerousia are seen in joint rule over the nation, the same arrangement 
as under Salome.  Hyrkanus is seen working hand in hand with the same 
Pharisee gerousia that virtually ran the government under Salome Alexandra; 
and indeed we know that the high priest was head of the gerousia (a term 
later equivalent with sanhedrin).  [And we see Hyrkanus at the head of a 
predominantly Pharisee Sanhedrin as late as 42 BCE (Ant. XIV.168-177).]  Is 
this consistent with Hyrkanus as Teacher of Righteousness?  Not unless we 
equate the Pharisee gerousia with the council of the yachad!
All these observations are further corroborated by a source analysis of 
Josephus, which indicates that Josephus drew on Nicolas of Damascus for the 

Re: orion-list Introduction, and infantry in 1QM

2002-01-10 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Luke Ueda-Sarson,

Greetings and welcome to the group.  At least a couple of us have keen 
interest in the military data in the Dead Sea Scrolls, notably 1QM.
I have little to add on the questions you ask other than what I wrote in 
R. Gmirkin, The War Scroll and Roman Weaponry Reconsidered, DSD [Dead Sea 
Discoveries] 3 (1996) 89-129, but I'd be happy to repeat a couple points if 
you haven't read it; or contact me privately and I'll upload a copy for you.
With respect to the War Scroll infantry shield, I've argued that the 
weapons, tactics and organization of 1QM are all patterned on the Roman 
legions of the republican era and predate the example from the 90s BCE that 
you mention.  The shield of 1QM has approximately the same dimensions as the 
one in Polybius.
According to my analysis, the War Scroll army consisted of 28,000 troops 
in seven legions of 4000 each, divided into four lines, comparable to the 
Roman legions of hastati, principii, triarii, plus skirmishers.  In 1QM we 
see one line of skirmishers (of three different varieties) plus three lines 
of infantry (mentioned at 4QMa 1-3 i 11-12, 15-17), each line consisting of 
1000 troops, in turn divided into centuries and maniples according to Roman 
organization.

  First there are the slingers who shoot and retreat, then there are 
  the javelinemen, who shoot and retreat, and then the close-fighting 
  infantry, who deliver the final blow.

Actually, there is first a wave of slingers, then of javelin-throwers, 
then a third wave with spears and swords (1QM 6.5) - three waves of 
skirmishers - then the infantry charge.  1QM 5:11-6:5; 8:1-20.  
  
Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

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Re: orion-list Re: orion V2001 #67

2002-01-08 Thread RGmyrken

Tom,

On Christian sources (gradual) co-opting of Philo's Therapeutae as a 
description of Christian monastics, see generally D. Rudin's _Philo in Early 
Christian Literature:  A Survey_ (Minneapolis:  Fortress Press, 1993), as 
well as Rudin's _Philo and the Church Fathers_ (Leiden:  EJ Brill, 1995).  
I don't know the MSS witnesses on Jeremiah - way out of my field - but 
Dierk is right on Hegesippus as an early CE witness on the Rechabites.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Re: Definition of Essenes (Suidas)

2002-01-07 Thread RGmyrken

As a follow-up to my last posting, I did some research on-line and found 
a translation of John Cassian (http://www.osb.org/lectio/cassian/index.html). 
 Much of the Institutes is obviously based on Philo's Therapeutae, but there 
is no mention of Rechabites, and Cassian only (incorrectly) traced Egyptian 
monasticism to Mark's church founded in Egypt.  I note that in The 
Conferences 21.4 he extols the Rechabites as a group that went beyond the 
requirements of the law.  So there was praise of the Rechabites among 
Christian ascetics of c. 400 CE.  I suspect that some church father of the 
period 400-1000 CE made the full connection and claimed that Christian 
asceticism descended from the Rechabites by way of the therapeutae.  But 
Patristic literature in not my forte, so I will end my imput on the 
Rechabites in the Suda with that suggestion.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Definition of Essenes

2002-01-06 Thread RGmyrken

 To Dierk and George Brooks:

 Let me cheerfully amend my definition to:  
 Essenes:  the historical group(s) referred to in Josephus, Philo and 
Pliny as the Essenes.
 This allows for the possibility that more than one group was referred to 
as Essene - that is, as Essaioi or Essenoi.  ( I did mention the necessity 
for different applications of the term... to establish an evidentiary 
connection to the _group(s)_ referred to in Josephus, Philo or Pliny. )  
 George, as for the later references to Samaritan Essenes in Epiphanius 
or Rechabite Essenes in the Suidas, one would have to provide credible 
evidence that Epiphanius or the Suidas had accurate knowledge of the Essenes. 
 Indeed, this is also a requirement for Josephus, Philo and Pliny (especially 
the last, whose idealized literary description is at distinct variance with 
the other two authors).  Literary references may or may not have accurate 
content.  That is why my working definition refers to the historical 
group(s) referred to in Josephus et al -- without necessarily assuming that 
these authors' description was accurate (something that has to be argued), 
but only that some historical Judean group existed which these authors 
attempted to describe.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Daniel, Ezra

2001-10-16 Thread RGmyrken

David,

Purvis' _The Samaritan Pentateuch_ is pretty good, although there are 
evidences the Jews and Samaritans had their differences for some time before 
Hyrkanus I.  There appears to be anti-Samaritan polemics in the Book of 
Watchers (c. 225 BCE?), Testament of Levi (c. 200 BCE?), Jubilees (c. 175 
BCE?), besides Sirach (c. 180), not to mention the denial of Jewish ancestry 
by the Sidonians of Shechem c. 166 BCE (Josephus, Ant. 12.257-261).  I agree 
anti-Samaritan polemics are an important clue to dating Ezra-Nehemiah, but 
the anti-Tobiad polemics are even more telling date-wise IMO.
As far as the source documents in Ezra-Nehemiah, I find the best analysis 
to be that of C. C. Torrey, _The composition and historical value of 
Ezra-Nehemiah_ (Giessen : J. Ricker, 1896) ; idem, _Ezra Studies_ (New York, 
C. Scribner's Sons, 1900 1983).  There are older quasi-historical 
sub-documents in both Ezra and Nehemiah added to by the Chronicler, whose 
distinctive vocabulary and interests make it possible to weed out the source 
documents from the later Ezra additions.  Torrey considers even the older 
materials in Ezra to be novelistic, comparable to the Daniel tales, but Neh. 
1-6 to be old and authentic; I consider all this material late and 
novelistic.  But all of this is slightly off-topic for Orion.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Daniel

2001-10-14 Thread RGmyrken

David:  I'm quite sympathetic towards your late dating of Ezra-Nehemiah, 
though I would date these to c. 180-175, and some of their older source 
material (based on Torrey's excellent analysis of sources) to 200-180 BCE.  I 
would just point out that on evidence of Sirach 50:26 and Josephus, Ant. 
12.156 the Samaritans were already a problem around the time of Simon the 
Just, c. 200-180 BCE.

Walter:  As David comments, the prophecy of Dan. 11 is extraordinarily 
detailed and accurate down to 165-163 BCE.  At which point there is a 
detailed prophecy of Antiochus IV's conquest of Egypt and subsequent death in 
Judea in Dan. 11:40-45 that is patently false.  The break point between 
fulfilled, ex eventu prophecy by hindsight and real, failed prophecy 
defines the date of composition.  Additionally, there is evidence from 
chapter 12 that the very end of Daniel was being updated about three and a 
half years after Antiochus suspended the daily sacrifices.  Dan. 12:11 makes 
an initial prediction that the end would come 1290 days after that event, 
then revises the end to 1335 days.  Goldstein, _I Maccabees_, 43, calculating 
from a start date of December 6, 167, arrives at June 27 (1290 days) or 
August 12 (1335 days) in 163 as the expected date for the fulfillment of 
Daniel's prophecy.  See J. J. Collins, Daniel:  A Commentary on the Book of 
Daniel (Fortress Press:  Minneapolis, 1993) 400-1, on the successive revision 
of calculations of the end as the deadline passed without the fulfillment 
of the predictions.  The final redactions of the Animal Apocalypse and the 
War Scroll are also to be dated to summer, 163 BCE, shortly before the 
anticipated showdown between Judas Maccabaeus and the Syrian general Lysias, 
based on similar breaks between fulfilled and real (i.e. failed) prophecy.  
Given the above, it seems more reasonable that Daniel was finalized in 
163 BCE, and that its author had no real idea of the interval between 
Jerusalem's fall and his own day, than that the 490 years is accurate and 
Daniel was written in 97 BCE. I read a great article - and unfortunately lost 
the reference - documenting that no early Jewish historian got the dates 
right for Cyrus, the fall of Jerusalem, etc.  (If anyone has bibliography on 
this point perhaps they could post me.)  The inaccuracies, omissions, and 
transpositions in the sequence of Medo-Persian kings in Ezra (especially) and 
Daniel confirm the lack of accurate historical data on the Persian period by 
these authors.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list 1QSb and 1QSa (and Daniel)

2001-10-13 Thread RGmyrken

David,

   1QS 9:11 refers to the time when there shall come the Prophet and the 
Messiahs of Aaron and Israel.  The Messiah figure or figures we are 
discussing are thus distinguished from the coming Prophet.  J. Collons, _The 
Scepter and the Star_ (1995) has a chapter devoted to the Messiahs of Aaron 
and Israel (p. 74ff) that is fairly exhaustive in its use of secondary 
literature and basically considers the title to refer to eschatological high 
priestly and royal figures.  My impression is that of Aaron and of Israel 
has been _implicitly_ interpreted to refer to either descent (i.e. an Aaronic 
and a lay figure) or scope of Messianic authority or mission (one over the 
sons of Aaron, the other over all Israel), though I haven't seen the phrases 
explicitly parsed out for meaning.  There have been various theories on 
phases in the 'Qumran community' in which they successively expected one or 
two messiahs.  Starky's theory proposed a belief in two Messiahs during the 
Hasmonean period (ironically, at a time when you point out that the royal and 
priestly functions were fulfilled in a single individual).  I don't think 
that the example of John Hyrkanus has been brought up, but my reading has not 
been exhaustive.
On Daniel, there does appear to be a chronological scheme of 7 weeks, 62 
weeks, and a final 1 week, much as you outline.  Daniel 9:26 indicates that 
the Messiah would be cut off at the start of the final week, and 9:27 says 
the daily sacrifice would be halted with a desolating sacrilege in the midst 
of the final week, i.e. 69 1/2 weeks through the 70 week period.  This last 
event would be the conversion of the Jewish temple to a cult of Dionysus (or 
his Syrian counterpart) in December, 166 BCE (on Kislev 15, per 1 Macc. 1:54, 
which mentions the Danielic sacrilege).  Going back three and a half years 
from that event, which provides the key chronological peg, the Messiah the 
Prince will have been cut off in July 170 BCE, which is when Onias III was 
assassinated in exile at Antioch (2 Macc. 4:34; on the date, see Jonathan 
Goldstein's commentary on 2 Macc.).  For this reason, it seems likely to me 
that Onias III is the referent of Dan. 9:25-26.  (The end of the 70th week, 
BTW, calculates to summer 163 BCE, which is consistent with other indications 
of Daniel's final composition.)

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

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Re: orion-list Daniel

2001-10-13 Thread RGmyrken

David,

   On 164/163 BCE as a land sabbath year, see 1 Macc. 6:28-54; 2 Macc. 
13:1-22.  2 Macc. 13:1 dates this to 163, and 1 Macc. 6:48-54 indicates the 
reduction of Beth-Zur and Jerusalem were concluded before the expiration of 
the land sabbath.
   On the weeks of Daniel as land sabbath cycles, see B. Wacholder, Essays on 
Jewish Chronology and Chronography (KTAV Publishing House, Inc.:  New York, 
1976) 240-57;  J. Goldstein, II Maccabees (Anchor Bible vol. 41A; Doubleday 
and Company, Inc.:  Garden City, New York, 1983) 461; D. S. Russell, The 
Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic:  200 BC - AD 100 (Westminster 
Press:  Philadelphia, 1964) 196.  I think Collins also talks about land 
sabbath cycles in passing in one of his many articles or books, but I can't 
track down the reference.
   Daniel's Darius the Mede is of course problematic historically and 
should be taken into account in evaluating Daniel's historical accuracy; as 
well as the transference of certain legends regarding Nabonidus (and his 
period of abdication of Babylonian rule) to Nebuchadnezzar.  I don't really 
have a handle on Daniel's historical knowledge or premises - who does? - but 
it's an important problem.  The Qumran Danielic texts are relevant to the 
evolving corpus of Daniel stories, but haven't led to a convincing solution.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin


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Re: orion-list 1QSb and 1QSa

2001-10-11 Thread RGmyrken

I agree with Ian and Greg that there is no real basis for interpreting 
1QSb as addressed to the high priest.  On Greg's comments on 1QSa, I think 
there's a pretty good case to be made that both priestly and lay messiahs are 
referred to, as conventionally interpreted.  Most superficially, other Serekh 
texts distinguish the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel.  But also, the (priestly) 
Messiah seems particularly associated with the [sons] of Aaron, the priests 
at 1QSa ii 11-13, while the [Me]ssiah of Israel is especially associated 
with the chiefs [of the clans of Israel]... in their camps and in their 
marches.  This latter figure appears to be a military messiah; the camps 
here are the mobile camps of the deployed legions -- I don't think the term 
royal messiah can be justified by the context.  Military matters of course 
figure large in 1QSa, especially throughout column i.  The relevant 
comparison to the two Messiahs in 1QSa appears to be 1QM ii-ix, wherein the 
high priest serves in the temple (ii 1-3) and the prince of the congregation 
commands the army in the field (v 1).  
One could of course argue that in 1QM xiii-xix the high priest also 
serves as commander-in-chief.  But in this primitive early section of 1QM one 
lacks the advanced serekh terminology or military organization seen 
throughout 1QSa.  1QSa appears contemporary with the tactica of 1QM ii-ix, 
where priestly and military leaders appear separately.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

 On a separate matter, it has been held unanimously (so far
  as I know) in all discussions that 1QSa refers to two
  figures, a high priest and a royal messiah. I have also 
  studied this point and have wondered if this too is a 
  mistaken reading of that text, and there is no royal messiah in 
  1QSa at all. 1QSa may refer simply to the entrance of the 
  high priest, who sits, blesses, etc. followed by others who sit 
  after him. The 'anointed one of Israel' has been assumed to 
  be the 'royal messiah', a figure distinct from the high priest, but
  I think that is textually very questionable. The 'anointed one of
  Israel' appears to me to read better as simply the high priest
  himself, and there is no second personal figure.
  
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Re: orion-list Head of the kings of Yavan

2001-07-16 Thread RGmyrken

Taking head in hand, it seems to me Dr. Altman's thesis that Kittim was a 
universally pejorative term involves some circularity in argument, since a 
fair reading of Ant. 1.128 shows no insulting content, unless one approaches 
this passage with a prior thesis that all references to Kittim _must_ be 
negative.  Chetimos held the island of Chetima - the modern Cyprus - whence 
the name Chetim given by the Hebrews to all islands and to most maritime 
countries.  Where is the insult here?  Josephus was not that subtle.  The 
idea that this contains a negative reference to the Sea Peoples (i.e. the 
late Bronze Age invasions? - the Greeks did not consider all thassalocracies 
bad) is a forced reading in my opinion.  Dierk is clearly correct that the 
Kittim have military-mercenary associations in Jubilees as elsewhere.  
Indeed, the Kittim appear to almost everywhere have a military connotation, 
except Josephus, where no such association is apparent.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
  
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Re: orion-list Head of the kings of Yavan

2001-07-09 Thread RGmyrken

Dierk, I find no reference to Pompey acquiring new auxiliaries in 
Cappadocia, Iberia, Albania, etc., in the literary accounts.  Is there hard 
evidence for this or is this based on general Roman practices?  
Very informative posting.

Russell Gm.

  Pompeius started his Pontus campaign with Lucullus' legions already
  stationed in Galatia, strengthened by called veterans of Fimbria's legions
  and supported by levied auxiliaries from the Asiatic clients (Asia, 
Galatia,
  Cilicia, Pamphylia, the Lycanians, Pisidians and the western Bythinians).
  Mommsen assumes 40-50.000 foot (ie 12 weak legions) excl. auxiliary cavalry
  and levied specialists, whereas Mithridates' total strength was roughly
  30.000 foot and 3.000 cavalry (App. Mithr. 15.97), ie a military ratio of
  2:1 in favor of the Romans.
  
  In the following course of the campaign the Roman losses (by the majority
  auxiliaries) became compensated by levies from new conquered regions
  Cappadocia, Iberia, Albania, Colchis, Little Armenia and Commagene.
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orion-list Biblio question Cicero and Pliny

2001-07-07 Thread RGmyrken

I came across an unfootnoted comment that Pliny NH 5.73 (the passage on 
the Essenes) has rhetorical flourishes reminiscent of Cicero, specifically in 
its fourfold description of the Essenes (avoiding women, or any sexual urges, 
without money, having only palmtrees for company [in Greek, by the way, 
kindred of the phoenix]).  Could anyone point me to some bibliography on 
this point, or on the high literary content of this passage generally?

Thanks,
Russell Gmirkin

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Re: orion-list Head of the kings of Yavan

2001-07-07 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Greg,

I personally can think of no instances when the name Javan was applied to 
the Romans (as opposed to Kittim, which was).  I'd be very interested if such 
examples could be supplied.  4QpNahum seems clear enough in distinguishing 
Yavan from the Kittim.  In this passage there is no trace of an idea of 
Kittim as offspring of Yavan.  Rather, Kittim and Yavan are simply two 
contemporary political designations (as they are in many other texts).  I 
doubt Gen. 10 had much relevance to Jewish use of these terms in the period 
you are considering.
It is helpful to realize that Javan is simply the transliteration into 
Hebrew of the Greek word Ionia, which was very well understood as the Greeks 
of the Aegean islands and coasts of Asia Minor (as opposed to the more 
obscure Kittim and some of the other entries in Gen. 10).  I think Jubilees 
9.10 illustrates this familiarity when it assigns to Javan every island and 
the islands which are towards the side of Lud [i.e. Lydia in Asia Minor].  
No classical source ever called the Romans Ionians - the Jews would not have 
made so egregious an error either.  Jub. 9.12, incidentally, assigns to the 
mysterious Meshech the more distant European lands as far as Gadir [i.e. 
Spanish Gadeira at the Gibraltar straits], a description that includes 
Italy.  
I think Rabinowitz's interpretation of the head of the kings of Javan 
has far more common sense to it than Dupont-Sommer's strained theory.  
Dupont-Sommer cites a great deal of irrelevant, anachronistic data.  First, 
please note that Asia [= Asia Minor] was a Roman province with a Roman 
governor at the time we speak.  Pompey did preside over a council of kings 
in Asia Minor, but the occasion was his partitioning of Mithridates' 
dissolved kingdom of Pontus at Amisus in 62 BCE, after the Jewish War.  
Dupont-Sommer also makes a big deal of Pompey assembling kings of the east 
for the battle of Pharsalus -- but of what possible relevance are events of 
46 BCE to events of 63 BCE?
Your idea that the Law of Manilius made Pompey head of the kings of the 
east and suggest that he used troops from the eastern kingdoms in his Judean 
campaign of 63 BCE.  In my extensive reading of Pompey's campaigns (in both 
primary and secondary literature) I find no support for either idea.  When 
you say that Pompey was in fact the leader, formally, of all of the eastern 
kings of Yavan, by the Decree of Manilius of 66, perhaps you could clarify 
that remarkable statement by listing to which kings of Yavan you refer.  
Again, when you suggest that Pompey picked up mercenaries from these 
subordinate kings in his eastern campaign and would literally be the head 
of armies with contributions from subordinate kings of Yavan, a listing 
would be helpful.  Pompey's campaign is well-documented.  Mostly he used 
legionary forces, basically the same standing army assembled from the Roman 
provinces for the war against the pirates in 67 BCE.  To my knowledge he 
didn't rely on conscripting new troops in the lands he campaigned in.  
Perhaps Dierk could shed additional light on the composition of Pompey's 
army.

   Best regards,
   Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list RE: Are Essens JewishÅ

2001-07-03 Thread RGmyrken

It seems to me that Josephus' statement that the Essenes are Jewish 
simply indicates that he lifted his material on the Essenes from a source 
intended for a non-Jewish audience, one for which it would be necessary to 
explain that Essenes are a branch of Jews.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Pliny's Esseni

2001-06-24 Thread RGmyrken

Philo and Josephus are remarkably similar in content in their description 
of the Essenes / Therapeutae.  See for instance G. Vermes, 
Essenes-Therapeutae-Qumran, Durham University Journal 59 (1960) 97-115 or 
his book on the Essenes in classical sources.  B. Wacholder, Nicolaus of 
Damascus (Berkeley-Los Angeles:  University of California Press, 1962) 71-72 
argues that both Philo and Josephus accounts were based on Nicolaus.  
He points out that Philo compares the communal, moneyless life of the 
Therapeutae with the Iliad's idealized description of the Galactophagi, a 
Scythian tribe.  Philo's interpretation, which diverges from a straight 
reading of Homer, is shared by Nicolaus in the entry on the Galactophagi in 
his _Collection of Remarkable Customs_.  
Josephus' description of the Dacian Ctistae, another Scythian tribe whom 
he compares with the Essenes, likewise sound like the Galactophagi described 
in Nicolaus.  Wacholder believes Josephus draws on Nicolaus about the Ctistae 
compared to the Essenes.  (Nicolas in turn appears to draw on a passage of 
Posidonius discussing Homeric problems - also quoted at Strabo 7.3.3 - that 
mentions the Galactophagi, Ctistae and others.  Unlike Nicolaus, Posidonius 
had no knowledge of the Essenes, as discussed extensively in Orion archives.)
Philo also characterizes the Essenes as favored by kings which appears 
to refer to their being patronized by Herod the Great.  This fact could be 
learned from Nicolaus' writings.  Nicolaus', as Herod's propagandist, also 
promoted the Herod's favored sect, the Essenes.  It should not be surprising 
that literary accounts of the Essenes largely trace back to Nicolaus of 
Damascus.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin


  I never thought Philo lifted stuff from nick of damascus or any one. What 
  evidence do we have he did such things. Philo sounds like philo 
  throughout. Is this a guess, wishful thinking, or solid fact?
  
  
  Herb basser, 
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Re: orion-list Pliny's Esseni

2001-06-22 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Greg,

First off, you are correct that in Philo the Essenes are Jews par 
excellance, i.e., exemplars of Jewish virtues, as is well known in the 
secondary literature.  Many of the virtues Philo attributed to the Essenes 
and/or Therapeutae he elsewhere attributes to the Jews.  I also agree that in 
Pliny the Essenes occupy a similar role as typifying the Jews as a whole in 
their best light.
You are also correct in your comments that Pliny's Essenes as true Jews 
could almost be taken out of Philo.  There is a reason for this, one might 
say a mechanism, namely, that Philo (like Josephus) in all probability drew 
largely on Nicolas of Damascus, Pliny's source by way of Juba.  Just as 
Nicolas of Damascus portrayed the Essenes (Herod's favored sect) as the best 
of the Jews, so likewise Philo, following Nicolas.  (And similarly note how 
huge Josephus' description of the Essenes is compared to the Sadducees and 
Pharisees.)   That is, sources literarily dependent on Nicolas of Damascus 
exaggerated the importance and virtue of the Essenes in line with Herodian 
propaganda, in which the Essenes were (as you say) practically were the only 
Jews worth speaking of.
   Incidentally, Philo's description of the Essenes and Therapeutae in many 
ways echo the legend of Sodom's destruction which also influences Pliny's 
source.  Philo's virtuous Jews flee the vices of the city (including money 
and sex), much as Lot (or Pliny's Essenes) did the same.  Philo's 
condemnation of homosexual banquets in The Contemplative Life 62 (the 
literary opposite of the sober Therapeutae gatherings) as a pestilential 
sickness that desolates cities, leading to barrenness and sterility very 
closely echoes his comments on Sodom in _On Abraham_ 133-36.  That is, the 
retiring order of Therapeutae in essence fled the wickedness of Sodom.  
Another very interesting parallel between Pliny and Philo is the emphasis 
that the place of refuge was elevated and with wholesome air.  This common 
denominator probably derives from Nicolas of Damascus.
   Note that Nicolas may have emphasized the elevation of the Essenes due to 
the Biblical imagery of Lot's refuge in the mountains away from the wicked 
cities of the plain.  There seems to be something deliberate in the Essenes 
of Pliny escaping the harmful [fumes], with the word fumes or exhalations 
omitted, though obviously alluded to (see Diodorus, etc.).  This may be 
because in this highly literary image, the deadliness that the Essenes fled 
was the company of women, indeed all sexual urges [the implication here being 
homosexuality], and money.  That is, the Essenes (like Lot) fled the deadly 
[nocent] vices of Sodom - Nicolas implying a comparison between such vices 
and the noxious, hellish fumes from Dead Sea.
   Finally. the description of the Essenes as the most remarkable of all the 
tribes in the world was intended to promote the Jews -- specifically the 
Essenes -- in an ethnological treatise intended for extra-Jewish publication 
(namely Nicolas' _Collection of Remarkable Customs_, which gathers together 
ethnological marvels much as you describe, though with more of a focus on 
bizarre socio-political institutions).
Hope you find these musings useful.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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orion-list Pliny's map, dating issues, Qumran, Phoenix bird

2001-06-18 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Bob Kraft et al,

  (1) The description of the Dead Sea environs appears to reflect the very 
end of Herod the Great's reign, before Archaelaus was confirmed in Rome as 
tetrarch.  Masada was repaired by Herod; Machereus was rebuilt by Herod 
(after having been destroyed by Gabinius); Herod tried for a cure at 
Callirhoe's medicine baths in 4BC; En Gedi (like Qumran) was likely in ruins 
throughout Herod's reign, and only restored (like Qumran) later under 
Archelaus.  
   En Gedi is described with the following words:  Lying below the Essenes 
was formerly the town of Engeda, second only to Jerusalem (sic! -- Jericho!) 
in the fertility of its land and in its groves of palm-trees, but now 
likewise [my translation] a heap of ashes.  After Archelaus left for Rome to 
ask for the kingdom, Jericho's palace and other nearby royal estates were 
burned and looted.  The report of Jericho and En Gedi both in ashes will have 
referred to this precise historical juncture - I can find no other such 
historical occasion.  News of the burning of Jericho's palace reached 
Archaelaus and Nicolaus at Rome, according to Josephus (probably drawing on 
Nicolas).  Archelaus later rebuilt the palace, but Nicolaus remained at Rome, 
and the picture of Jericho burned is the one he conveyed soon afterwards to 
Juba II of Mauretania, Pliny's source.  Arabia of the Nomads comes from Juba 
of Mauretainia's work on Arabia, completed c. 1 BCE/CE.  (I believe that 
Vitruvius' location of a bitumen-producing lake in Arabia around this 
same time derives from Juba, one of Vitruvius' favorite sources.)
   (2) Qumran and En Gedi have parallel archaelogies.  Reading de Vaux and 
Mazar on these respective sites it seems highly that both were abandoned for 
the same reasons and during the same period (as well as Ein Feshka).  Given 
that Pliny's source (Nicolaus of Damascus by way of Juba) wrote when En Gedi 
was an ash heap, it follows that Qumran was as well, and the Essenes of Pliny 
(Nicolas) will therefore not have been living at Qumran.  The same picture is 
seen in Strabo (who drew on and probably personally knew Nicolaus), with only 
Masada occupied west of the Dead Sea - no En Gedi, no Qumran, only occasional 
ruined settlements.
  (3) Very interesting article by Martine Dulaey, La notice de Pline sur les 
esseniens (HN 5, 17, 73), Helmantica 38 (1987) 283-93.  He notes the 
paradoxical, marvellous, and literary/rhetorical flourishes in Pliny, and 
brings out one very fascinating point (following Hubaux), that the 
description of the Essenes in part resembles the mythical Phoenix, who also 
procreated without sex, yet lived forever.  Yet Dulaey misses some important 
details about the Phoenix myth.  (1) Occasionally a phoenix bird would be 
seen immolating itself in a fire, and a new phoenix would arise from the 
ashes.  Dulaey doesn't make anything of this detail.  (2) Also, he doesn't 
seem to be aware of the fact that a famous variety of date-palm in the 
Jericho valley was named the Phonicon, after the phoenix (from the ability of 
this tree to come back to life after seemingly dying).  (See Strabo, Pliny.)  
 
   Why are these details important?  Because Pliny's Greek source is making a 
very sophisticated literary play on words.  Probably Pliny's Latin socia 
palmarum, in the company of palm-trees, referred specifically to the 
Phoenix in the Greek source.  This source refers to En Gedi and Jericho, 
famous for their palm-trees (Phoenicons) being heaps of ashes.  The source 
specifically is trying to get across the very poetic idea of the Essenes 
being the phoenix of En Gedi rising from the ashes.  This image makes no 
sense unless the Essenes are the survivors of En Gedi's destruction.  
Geographically, this puts the Essenes near En Gedi and its (phoenix) palm 
groves - not way up the coast at Qumran.  
   I therefore wholly concur with Bob Kraft's assessment:


Thus I would say that Pliny's account is basically irrelevant for
arguments about Qumran's possible Essene connections. Qumran may have
housed Essenes at some point, or not, but Pliny is of no help for the
arguments. (Whether his blurred sources could have been of help is quite
another question, but I'm even sceptical about that.) 


  If one is to establish a connection between Qumran and Essenes, one should 
do it without Pliny, because (a) Qumran was a ruin when Pliny's source wrote, 
and (b) he put the phoenix-like Essenes in proximity with the palm groves of 
En Gedi.

  Best regards,
  Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Pharisaic texts

2001-06-12 Thread RGmyrken

Interesting point, Herbert.  Ephron has I think convincingly demonstrated 
that the Talmudic passage on the dispute between the Pharisees and Sadducees 
under Hyrkanus I to which you refer is not an independent tradition but 
derives from Josephus.  (His argument, as I recall, hinges on the fact that 
the Talmudic passage presumes facts only present in Josephus, indicating 
awareness of the latter.)This leaves only the Megillat Ta'anit, which 
Zeitlin dates to the Jewish War, c. 70 CE, i.e., after the time of the 
scrolls.

   Best regards,
   Russell Gmirkin

   P.S. And don't leave zoos out of your penguin analysis.  :)

 the only written text sof pharisees I know of is a list of dates called
  megillat ta'anit and one historical source shared by josephus and the 
talmud
  talking about the silence of the pharisees against a slander of the
  hasmoneans at a banquet. the talmudic text has a waw conversive, the only
  one in all of rabbinic literature, save for maybe one in the liturgy--
  indicating a written source.
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Re: orion-list Pliny's source on Essene: not Juba; M. Agrippa

2001-06-10 Thread RGmyrken

First, thanks to Ian for his bibliographical reference and comments on En 
Gedi.
Responding to Stephen's posting piecemeal (with advance apologies for the 
length):

  Though we disagree on Pliny's source on Essenes, let me begin by noting
  that we have (at least in the past) agreed that that source was from the
  time of Herod the Great, and that the mentioned destruction of Ein Gedi
  (singular--no other place specified) was from the c.40 BCE war, and that
  Yizhar Hirschfeld's proposed site dates too late to fit it. 

I agree on Hirschfeld.  I await your comments on En Gedi's proposed date 
of destruction c. 40 BCE, archaeological and literary-historical evidence.

  In other words,
  we recognize that Pliny's source, using present tense, was written well
  before 70 CE. I would add that Essenes were seen to have been there a
  while, as Joseph Baumgarten and Joseph Amussin indicate with Qumran mss
  parallels cited in the orion Pliny paper.

As I have previously posted, Thus through  thousands of ages (incredible 
to relate) a race in which no one is born lives on forever is a typical 
paradoxographical statement.  It bears no relation whatever to the Qumran 
passages the above authors adduce (which, please note, have nothing to do 
with propagation by adoption).
  
  You have presented a rather complex scenario that Juba used Nicolaus of
  Damascus on Essenes. But that elaborate story encounters many difficulties.
  The account in Pliny differs, in geographic range (north-west Dead Sea
  shore), from the Philo and Josephus accounts of Essenes. N. of Damascus
  cannot be the sole source for all three--if he is a source on Essenes at
  all; in any case, Josephus had more than one relevant source; maybe Philo
  too.

It is likely that Nicolas' history was utilized by Josephus, as opposed 
to the paradoxographical work on Remarkable Customs used by Juba which found 
its way into Pliny.  This accounts for the differences in geographical range. 
 Additionally, in the Pliny passage, IMO the Essenes have been located by the 
Dead Sea primarily to contrast with Sodom, i.e., for literary purposes.  The 
distributed communities in Philo and Josephus present matters more factually.
  
  Previously, you asserted Isogonus was the tradent for ND. Isogonus, you
  wrote, appeared to be only known paradoxographer between ND and Pliny (5
  Sept 99); you concluded, So Isigonus as an intermediary between Nicolaus
  of Damascus and Pliny seems very likely. You defended Isigonus in other
  posts as well. But Isogonus was not listed by Pliny as a source for Book 5.

No.  Actually, Pliny can be demonstrated to have read Isigonus by way of 
a Greek compilation of paradoxographical passages summarized by Aulus Gellius 
in Attic Nights 9.4.1-16, which contains many of the same materials in the 
same order as Pliny.  That document was quite good about listing sources, so 
it is likely that Pliny would have been aware of Nicolas as an authority had 
he gotten the passage on the Essenes from that source.  I no longer hold 
Isogonus as the intermediary source.
Juba, unlike Isigonus of Nicaea, is listed (and quite prominently) as a 
source for book 5.  Juba's work on Arabia is characterized as a compilation 
of other sources in Pauly's Real-Encyclopadie and elsewhere.  

  Plus, Pliny's source is probably not a parodoxographer, nor an Aristotelian
  (such as ND--also not listed by Pliny for Bk. 5), nor a Greek writer (such
  as Juba); but a Stoic, Latin writer, as M. Dulaey presented. 

Please cite M. Dulaey again if you would, as I managed to lose the 
reference earlier before I could track it down.  However, even without having 
read Dulaey, I can assure you that author's analysis is wrong on genre (if 
that topic is even addressed) and philosophical orientation.  The advocacy of 
poverty implicit in the moneyless Essene society is not a monopoly of 
Stoicism.  For instance, in Nicolas' autobiography he writes, Herod again 
having given up his enthusiasm for philosophy, as it commonly happens with 
people in authority because of the abundance of goods that distract them...  
And clearly the source is paradoxographical, which implies Aristotelean 
(Peripatetic).

  M. Agrippa was
  in Judaea in 15 BCE; his writings surely include ethnographic interests (as
  gone over before); he was cordial with the Jewish people; as governor of
  Syria, he would know the toparchies of Judah (not then including the
  destroyed Ein Gedi; but including the non-destroyed Jerusalem); Pliny
  greatly admired M. Agrippa, his first listed source.

Agrippa was Pliny's first listed Roman source; Juba was his first listed 
foreign (Greek) source.  Pliny also has good things to say about Juba.  Both 
Nicolas and Agrippa would have known Judea's toparchies, although the source 
on the toparchies is a separate issue.
As discussed on Orion, Agrippa's autobiography was written before his 
trip to Judea, while his map 

Re: orion-list re: dating the hebrew texts

2001-06-09 Thread RGmyrken

Philip Davies extensively discusses the issues you raise in a section 
called 'Biblical Hebrew' at _In Search of Ancient Israel_ (JSOT 148; 
Sheffield:  Sheffield Academic Press Ltd,, 1992) 102-5.  Lemche touches on 
language dating issues at The Old Testament - A Hellenistic Book? SJOT 7 
(1993) 188-89, questioning whether such [language] differences should be 
explained as a result of differences in time or of milieu (or of place).  
C.C. Torrey discusses the late (2nd-3rd century BCE) date of the Aramaic of 
Ezra and Daniel as compared with the Elephantine Papyri in _Ezra Studies_ 
(various editions) 161-66.  
There does appear to be some overlap between the latest Biblical 
materials and the earliest texts at Qumran (some of which are pre-sectarian). 
 Of particular relevance is the fact that the Animal Apocalypse, CD and other 
Qumran texts do not know of any return from exile, which is an idea found 
mainly in Ezra-Nehemiah, which may in turn date as late as the early second 
century BCE.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

  Perhaps this is not the bets place for this, but perhaps
  those who have expertise in Hebrew can give me their two
  cents worth on something. I am one of those who is
  sympathetic to the viewpoint of Phillip Davies and numerous
  others (e.g. Nodet, Lemche, Thompson) that the Hebrew Bible
  and the religious views it promotes are post-exilic, i.e.
  Persian or even hellensitic in some cases and is closer to
  thew world of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the intertestimental
  literature than to the social-religious environment of the
  pre-exilic world. I have seen the same sort of view
  expressed by some on this list (e.g. that the later chapters
  of Ezekiel that refer to the Zadokites might be this late,
  or that Nehemiah might be 2nd century). Though I can find
  many reasons to agree with this view the one big thorn for
  me in this line of thinking is the continued insistence of
  many scholars that the Hebrew of the biblical texts excludes
  this possibility because it is demonstrably more ancient
  (i.e. pre-exilic or exilic at the latest). I have not been
  able to find much in way of critical commentary on this
  point and would appreciate the input of those on this list.
  
  Bruce Wildish
  Mississauga, Ontario
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Re: orion-list re: dating the hebrew texts

2001-06-09 Thread RGmyrken

I forgot to mention, Anchor Bible Commentary on Ezra draws exactly the 
opposite conclusion from the Elephantine data, that Ezra reflects the Aramaic 
of c. 400 BCE.  (Torrey's alleged Greek loan words in Daniel hasn't stood up, 
or his theory of  Aramaic sources behind the gospels, so his linguistic 
conclusions should perhaps be used cautiously.  He's quite excellent on 
source criticism on Ezra-Nehemiah, however.)

 R. Gm.

  C.C. Torrey discusses the late (2nd-3rd century BCE) date of the Aramaic 
of 
  Ezra and Daniel as compared with the Elephantine Papyri in _Ezra Studies_ 
  (various editions) 161-66.  
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Re: orion-list Pliny - thousands of ages

2001-06-08 Thread RGmyrken

Dear George Brooks,

I wrote:
It is quite possible that Pliny's source _believed_ the Essenes 
practiced adoption ... Whether Pliny's source had accurate information or not 
is another question; whether he was even concerned with accuracy is yet 
another; his presentation is more literary and paradoxical than factual.

You replied:
Do you **really** intend to dismiss out of hand the historicity of 
Essenes adopting ANY children? ...  I can understand your belief that a 
kernel of a story became a myth for complete celibacy.  But now you are 
saying oh, by the way, there is no kernel either.

There may be a case that the Essenes practiced celibacy and/or adoption.  
If so, it would come out of Josephus and Philo.  My main point above was that 
the passage in Pliny was of questionable accuracy due to its literary genre 
(paradoxography) and its tendency to model the Essenes as the mirror opposite 
of Biblical Sodom.  By questioning its accuracy, I did not mean to definitely 
assert its inaccuracy on the point of adoption:  I was raising questions, not 
asserting answers.
Speaking briefly on Josephus and Philo, Josephus' source seems to rely on 
1QS, but 1QS (and the scrolls generally) do not refer to the practice of 
adoption, and 1QSa, obviously from the same group as 1QS, is explicit on the 
age a young man could get married, the role of women judicially, etc.  So 
there is room to suggest perhaps Josephus' source misunderstood 1QS.  If 
Philo, Josephus, Pliny all trace back to Nicolas of Damascus' writings on the 
Essenes, as seems likely, then Nicolas' error could have affected all these 
sources.  So it is possible that all three sources may assert something in 
common and yet be in error, as the three sources may not be independent, but 
potentially copying from the same incorrect tradition.
So it is possible that, yes, all three may be incorrect with respect to 
Essene celibacy (and hence adoption).  The authors of the Serekh texts 1QS, 
1QSa weren't celibate (except when going out to war - see 1QM).  On the other 
hand, the Essenes of Herod's day (Nicolas wrote after 16 BCE or so) lived a 
long time after the authors of 1QS, so their practices may have been 
different.  So I am on the fence on the accuracy of late descriptions of 
Essenes, at least for now.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Sodom and the Essenes

2001-06-08 Thread RGmyrken

Thank you Ian for your comments on En Gedi.  By Herodian remains, did 
the excavators include the period of Herod the Great, or are we speaking 
later Herodian?

A question that had been raised some time ago on Orion is that, if 
Nicolas of Damascus was the source for Pliny's excursus on the Essenes (as 
seems certain from its paradoxographical genre), why isn't he listed as an 
authority for Book 5?   I consider that question now fully resolved.  The 
foremost Greek authority for both books 5 and 6 is listed as Juba, i.e. King 
Juba II of Mauretania (c. 37 BCE? - c. 23 CE).  Juba was educated at Rome and 
was famous for his great learning and wrote a number of books, all now 
perished.  He had some interesting contacts with Nicolas by was of his wives. 
 Juba's first wife was a Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Anthony and Cleopatra, 
and Nicolas had tutored the couple's children before entering service under 
Herod the Great.  Juba's second wife was Glaphyra, daughter of King Archelaus 
of Cappadocia (also an author).  Glaphyra had first been married to 
Alexander, Herod the Great's son, and as such had substantial contact with 
Nicolas.  (Nicolas may have indeed had a role in arranging that marriage, and 
may have tutored her in Judea.)  After Herod executed Alexander, Glaphyra 
went back to her father and then was married to Juba.  Both of Juba's highly 
educated wives undoubtedly recommended Nicolas to King Juba, not that he 
wouldn't have read his works anyway.  One of Juba's books was on Arabia, and 
Pliny uses it extensively in book 5 and especially book 6.  It gave an 
account of all of Arabia, from the Mesopotamia skenitae (tent-dwellers) to 
the Arabian coasts around the Red Sea and of course to Arabia's border region 
abutting Syria.  It contained both geographical and ethnographical material 
(unlike Agrippa's commentarii) which Pliny frequently utilized.  That Juba's 
work also dealt with the Dead Sea is made probable by the statement at Pliny, 
NH 5.72, On the east it is faced by Arabia of the Nomads.  This unusual 
description specifically points to Juba's work on Arabia as the immediate 
source of Pliny's description of the Dead Sea; Juba in turn utilized Nicolas' 
colorful description of the Essenes.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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orion-list Sodom and the Essenes

2001-06-07 Thread RGmyrken

Pliny puts the Essenes and the town of Ein Gedi near Masada.  Dio 
Chrysostom locates the blessed city of the Essenes near Sodom.  These 
descriptions are not necessarily mutually exclusive since Strabo 16.2.44 
locates Masada near Sodom:

Many other evidences are produced to show that the country [near the 
Dead Sea] is fiery; for near Mousada [Masada] are to be seen rugged rocks 
that have been scorched, as also, in many places, fissures and ashy soil, and 
drops of pitch dripping from smooth cliffs, and boiling rivers* that emit 
foul odors to a great distance, and ruined settlements here and there; and 
therefore people believe the oft-repeated assertions of local inhabitants, 
that there were once thirteen inhabited cities in that region of which Sodom 
was the metropolis, but that [only cities outside] a circuit of sixty stadia 
of that city escaped unharmed; and that by reason of earthquakes and of 
eruptions of fire and of hot waters containing asphalt and sulphur, the lake 
burst its bounds, and rocks were enveloped with fire; and as for cities, some 
were swallowed up and others were abandoned by such as were able to escape...
* Other ancient writers (following Hieronymus of Cardia) it is the Dead 
Sea (not a river) that is boiling with bubbles [of hydrogen sulfide] and 
emits foul odors to a great distance.

Strabo's account of the region near the Dead Sea showing evidence of the 
destruction of Sodom and its cities is extremely similar to passages in Philo 
and Josephus where the scorched and sterile state of the mountains west of 
the Dead Sea were said to prove the Biblical account.  Strabo obviously drew 
on a source intimately familiar with Jewish lore, who could scarcely be other 
than Nicolas of Damascus.  There are two important points here.  First, 
Strabo (and his Jewish source) associate the Dead Sea's emission of asphalt 
and noxious hydrogen sulfide fume with the fiery vicinity of Sodom.  Second, 
Strabo only knows of Masada near Sodom on the Dead Sea coast.  Earlier he 
mentioned Jericho and its palm groves and abundant springs.  He totally omits 
Ein Gedi, which is inexplicable if it was still standing with its royal palm 
groves.  Third, Strabo knows of ruined settlements here and there - this 
will have included Ein Gedi - which provided further evidence of the 
destruction of Sodom and its towns.  Fourth, Strabo knows of local 
inhabitants in this area who associated its desolation with Sodom's 
destruction.
Given that Strabo knows about Sodom, it is unnecessary to suppose that 
the reference to Sodom in Dio is a later addition, i.e., by Synesius.  
Rather, the location of the Essenes near Sodom goes back to Strabo's source 
on local Jewish traditions, i.e., Nicolas.
Turning to Pliny, we may note the following geographical clues.  (1) He 
starts out by saying that the Essenes lived on the west coast of the Dead 
Sea, but out of range of the noxious [exhalations] of the coast.  Strabo 
associated the noxious fumes with the region near Sodom (as did Philo and 
Josephus).  One can assume from this snippet in Pliny that Pliny's source did 
too - no writer familiar with Jewish traditions who mentioned the Dead Sea 
fumes failed to associate them with Sodom.  (2) Pliny also has a destroyed 
Ein Gedi:  Lying below the Essenes was formerly the town of Engeda, second 
only to Jerusalem [Jericho] in the fertility of its land and its groves of 
palm trees, but now, like Jerusalem, a geap of ashes.  Next comes Massada, a 
fortress on a rock, itself also not far from the Dead Sea.  This is the limit 
of Judea.  Like Strabo, Pliny only knows of Masada currently occupied, and 
Ein Gedi a heap of ashes, like the ruined settlements of Strabo.  This 
also points to a common source (and even suggests that the local 
inhabitants - who Pliny labeled Essenes - might have pointed to Ein Gedi's 
ashes as another proof of the destruction of Sodom's cities).  
From all this we may conclude that Pliny's source put the Essenes in the 
vicinity of Sodom, far enough from the fiery coast to escape the noxious 
hellish fumes periodically emitted with the ejection of asphalt.
Considering that Sodom and the Essenes are physically juxtaposed in 
Pliny's source, one may point out their intellectual juxtaposition as well.  
Both Philo (especially) and Josephus emphasize the incredible fertility of 
Sodom (like that of Jericho, which escaped the destruction in Philo's book on 
Abraham), its wealth (as evidenced by Gen. 14) and the resulting moral 
degeneracy of its inhabitants, including lust after both women and men.  
Pliny gives an exactly opposite portrait of the solitary tribe of the 
Essenes, which has no women and has renounced all sexual desire, has no 
money, and has only palm trees for company.  This idealized, one might say 
fictionalized description of the Essenes owes much to the description of the 
residents of Sodom, to whom they form a contrived contrast.  Sodom is 

Re: orion-list Pliny - thousands of ages

2001-06-07 Thread RGmyrken

Dear George Brooks,

About all one can conclude from from Pliny is that Pliny's source thought 
the Essenes practices adoption.  First, this was likely a misunderstanding.  
One of the duties of the Mebaqqer of certain scrolls was the instruction of 
youths entering the yachad.  He was to be to them as a father to his children 
(CD 13.9) and even addressed them as his sons (CD 2.14).  This sounds like 
adoption, though of course it isn't.  Add the fact that the organization was 
run by males (1QS lacks a role for females), an outsider might conclude that 
the Essenes (who followed 1QS or a text like it) were an all-male society 
(although the Essenes Josephus' source knew married - which led the source to 
believe there were two types of Essenes).
The idea that a society perpetuated itself by adoption lent itself to 
paradox:  theoretically, by replacing lost members by adoption, a society 
could perpetuate itself forever, generation after generation, for thousands 
of ages, without sex or birth.  This precisely the sort of novel social 
institution paradoxographers loved.  The celibate Essenes probably never 
existed, but the paradoxographer liked to think _could_ exist; hence the 
colorful little semi-imaginary idealized group portrait in Pliny.  
Additionally, Pliny's portrait is influenced by Biblical materials.  See 
my posting 
on Sodom.
Note the giveaway incredible to relate in the Pliny passage.  Thus 
through  thousands of ages (incredible to relate) a race in which no one is 
born lives on forever.  The reference to incredible matters is practically 
stock phraseology in paradoxography (and in others describing doubtful 
assertions by paradoxographers).  Also, please observe that the reference to 
thousands of ages in Pliny does not mean the Essenes historically had a 
long past, though some have interpreted it this way.  It could be equally 
interpreted to mean Pliny's source thought they would have a long future.  
With this adoption thing, they could go on forever!

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

  Why is it that you think this reference is of no historical value?
  Do you mean historical in some special or technical way?  Or do you
  not think it really applies to our Essenes?
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Re: orion-list Sodom and the Essenes

2001-06-07 Thread RGmyrken

By way of footnoting my previous posting, see Strabo 16.2.42 for the Dead 
Sea emergence of asphalt being accompanied by bubbles like boiling water (cf. 
his boiling rivers of 16.2.44).
See Philo, On Abraham 141; Josephus, Jewish War (=BJ) 4.483 on the 
still-visible signs of Sodom's destruction; Philo mentions the fire of 
Sodom's destruction still burning underground, producing smoke (i.e., 
outbursts of hydrogen sulfide fumes) and picth.  As a result of Sodom's 
destruction, the formerly fertile valley and mountains became permanently 
barren and sterile (Philo, Abraham 140; Josephus, BJ 4.452-53, 474; 
Antiquities 1.195).  Jose[hus locates the region [chora] of Sodom in the 
sterile, uninhabited mountains west of the Dead Sea and south of Jericho (BJ 
4.543).  Philo appears to imply that fertile Jericho escaped the fate of the 
rest of Sodom's cities in the valley (Abraham 141).
Both Philo (On Abraham 141)and Josephus (BJ 4.483) describe the territory 
of Sodom as blessed [eudaimos] before God destroyed it.  This is relevant 
to Dio, who locates the very blessed city [polin olan eudaimona] of the 
Essenes in the vicinity of Sodom.  Paradoxically, the voluntarily 
impoverished, celibate Essenes have replaced wealthy, self-indulgent Sodom as 
the blessed city of the region.
Finally, note that neither Pliny nor Strabo knew of an actual city west 
of the Dead Sea other than (Herod's) Masada.  Both knew only of ruined 
settlements, Pliny mentionign En Gedi as a heap of ashes.  The Essenes 
apparently lived near En Gedi, tending to what remained of its famous palm 
grove, but Pliny mentions no town, and Dio's city [polis] cannot be taken 
literally.  De Vaux's book mentions no destruction layer for En Gedi - 
perhaps someone on the list could comment on En Gedi's archaeology - but 
Qumran is thought to have remained unoccupied for a while under Herod the 
Great.  It seems to me that in both Pliny and Strabo, Masada is the only 
occupied settlement west of the Dead Sea.

 Best regards,
 Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Pliny - thousands of ages

2001-06-07 Thread RGmyrken

Dear George,

It is quite possible that Pliny's source _believed_ the Essenes practiced 
adoption, and also that they lived without money.   (Some scrolls and some 
classical sources describe turning funds over to a treasurer for the 
community - but other scrolls of course document private ownership.)   
Whether Pliny's source had accurate information or not is another question; 
whether he was even concerned with accuracy is yet another; his presentation 
is more literary and paradoxical than factual.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

  Would you be willing to tone down your skepticism by
  allowing for the Essenes being KNOWN for adopting young
  children, without necessarily SUBSISTING on such 
  adoptions?
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Re: orion-list Sirach

2001-06-06 Thread RGmyrken

Greg,
The idea that those of a later period anachronistically wished an eternal 
priesthood on Simon and his descendants sounds like special pleading to me, 
especially in absence of other indications of late date.  Dierk's point that, 
unlike Sirach, the scrolls avoid reference to the covenant of Phineas is 
probably relevant in dating Sirach to a different period (or, less likely, 
group) than the scrolls authors.

  In your system, with 1QS composed 'early', you don't dispute
  that the copies at Qumran are later, including with the variants
  between 'sons of Zadok' and without. Do you have some
  theory to account for this?

In my opinion all the Serekh literature (1QS, 1QSa, 1QSb, 1QM, portions 
of CD) derive from the Hasidim who were the mainstay of the Maccabean army.  
I think the promotion of the sons of Zadok in later variants of 1QS and in 
1QSa reflect the period after the restoration of the temple in Dec. 164 BCE, 
when a high priest favorable to the Maccabees and a new order of blameless 
priests devoted to the law were set in charge of the temple (1 Macc. 4:42).  
In 1QM we also see a transition after this event from the high priest as 
field commander of the Maccabean army (in 1QM 13-19) to high priest presiding 
over the temple (in 1QM 2) and a secular prince of the entire congregation 
over the army.
I can't really comment on developments in textual transmission after c. 
160 BCE.  I will only note that all documents dated to the first century BCE 
(by mention of historical figures of that era, e.g. Jannaeus, Salome, 
Peitholaus) form a distinct cluster of Qumran texts notable for its lack of 
any sectarian vocabulary.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Dio (trans. Kamesar) on Qumran Essene polis; gens; etc.

2001-06-06 Thread RGmyrken

Kamesar's review is consistent with my own understanding of the political 
vocabulary underlying Dio (which is also present in Pliny's passage on the 
Essenes), and Dio Chrysostom's political interests.  However, I fail to see 
how this tends towards a Stoic view of the Qumran Jewish Essenes.  Rather, 
this is more in the Aristotlean / Peripatetic tradition, in which political 
institutions and ideas of various obscure groups around the world were 
collected for what insight they might provide.  As such this tends to confirm 
some relation with Nicolas of Damascus, who was an Aristotelean (see his 
autobiography and comments by Wacholder), wrote a paradoxographical 
collection of strange customs for Herod (largely dealing with political 
institutions around the world), and of course wrote on the Essenes.  I have 
already commented on Orion on the paradoxographical vocabulary prominent in 
Pliny's description of the Essenes.  Thus for instance, Pliny's commentary on 
perpetuation of a community by adoption of others - Thus through thousands 
of ages (incredible to relate) a race in which no one is born lives on 
forever - is a typical Aristotelean / paradoxical theoretical formulation of 
no historical value, but expresses (in typical purple prose) interest in 
unique/bizarre political institutions of others.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

  I happened upon the review by Adam Kamesar of Vermes and Goodman, The
  Essenes According to the Classical Sources, which offers some comments
  relevant to recent threads here (JAOS 111 [1991] 134-5).
  
  ...Synesius, Dio 3.2, where the Essenes are described as a 'polis hole
  eudaimon'...This phrase is translated with the words 'an entire and
  prosperous city'Yet it must be remembered that Dio is a Stoic of sorts,
  and he regards a polis not so much as a place of habitation, but as a
  'group of people living under the rule of law in the same place' (Oratio
  36.20; cf. 36.29 and H. von Arnim, Stoicum veterum fragmenta, III:80-81).
  Indeed, that in this passage polis should be translated and understood with
  reference to this definition (cf. the rendering Gemeinwesen' in Adam and
  Burchard, 39) may be confirmed by the fact that it is employed [/p.135] in
  apposition to the word 'Essenes.' Accordingly, we should be wary of
  pressing the distinction between the description of the Essenes as a
  'polis' in Dio/Synesius and as a 'gens sola' in PlinyFor the latter
  phrase should probably be rendered 'a people living on its own,' and not as
  Goodman translates, 'a people unique of its kind'Likewise, 'eudaimon'
  should not be translated by an adjective with material connotations such as
  'prosperous,' for the author is clearly thinking of that sort of eudaimonia
  which accrues to a city as a result of the virtue and concord of its
  inhabitants (see von Arnim, SVF, 1:61). In fact, in the immediately
  preceding sentence (omitted by Goodman), Synesius had mentioned Dio's
  description of the 'bios eudaimonikos' of an individual, a Euboaean hunter
  who lived a highly austere life in the wilderness but nevertheless achieved
  an outstanding degree of happiness (Oratio 7). Therefore, in all
  probability Synesius is referring to a description of the Essenes in which
  the latter are praised for a similar accomplishment in a group setting.
  
  Such description accords with a Stoic view of the Qumran Jewish Essenes,
  'ose hatorah, the yahad (Gemeinwesen, community) on the north-west Dead Sea
  shore.
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orion-list Re: Sirach

2001-06-05 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Greg,  
The translation by Jesus b. Sirach is dated to 132 BCE; he says it was 
written by his grandfather Sirach (pappos normally means grandfather, 
although Aristotle uses it in the sense of ancestor) which is consistent with 
a date in earlier decades; all the internal evidence is consistent with a 
date of 180-175 BCE, shortly after the death of Simon the Just; there are no 
allusions to later historical figures or events.  The burden of proof is on 
someone arguing a later date.  
The clincher, which your posting did not comment on - perhaps you didn't 
fully understand this point - is that Sirach prays for a descendant of Simon 
to always occupy the office of high priest, according to the covenant of 
Phineas.  This makes no sense after the end of the Oniad priesthood in the 
170s BCE (and was indeed omitted in the Greek translation of 132).  Your 
proposal that the Maccabees / Hasmoneans extolling Simon the Just doesn't 
take into account the fact that they would be wishing an eternal high 
priesthood on a family not their own.
If one accepts a relation between the terms Zadok and Sadducee, it is 
still difficult to maintain that Simon the Just was a Sadducee, despite being 
a Zadokite, since the Pharisees claimed him as founder of their sect.  The 
Sadducees likely had not yet come into existence as a sect that early.
If there is a relationship between the Zadok terminology in Sirach and 
1QS, this argues for an early date for 1QS, not a late date for Sirach.  
Vermes' comparison of the contents of 1QS with what we know of the Hasidim of 
the Maccabean period stands up pretty well and still has relevance for 
situating 1QS chronologically.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Sirach on Zadok-ites c.180-175

2001-06-04 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Greg,

  Russ Gmirkin:
  What makes you so sure Ben Sira, and therefore the Zadokite
  hymn assuming it is part of Ben Sira, are dated so early, to
  c. 180-175 BCE? Apart from this being the unanimous
  consensus of secondary literature, is there any actually good
  reason for believing this?

In my opinion, the standard reasons are overwhelmingly convincing - and 
I'm not one to blindly accept the current consensus view.
First, on the dates.  The grandson wrote in the 38th year of Ptolemy 
Euergetes, who ruled from 170 (joint rule) or 145 (sole rule) to 116 BCE, if 
I have my facts straight.  If the date was from sole rule, the 38th year 
would be 107 BCE, after the end of Ptolemy's rule.  So the 38th year will 
have been calculated from 170 BCE, arriving at a date of translation of 132 
BCE.
From all the fatherly advice in b. Sirach, including marriage and career 
(i.e., it's better to get an education and become a scribe), I would assume 
he wrote it when he had a son aged 10-15.  This is just my guess.  So however 
old Jesus Sirach was, his son was about 10-15 in c.180 BCE by the traditional 
dates.  Meanwhile, if we assume the grandson was about 25-30 when he did his 
translation, the grandson was born in 157-162 BCE, when the son was 33-43 
years old.  So I don't really see a chronological problem here.
Perhaps one might have been justified in saying that the translation of 
his grandfather's book was just a literary device when we only possessed a 
Greek version -- and indeed Thomas Thompson still claims this in The Mythic 
Past, as Sirach's early date is inconvenient for Thompson's dates for the HB 
-- but now that we have most of the Hebrew version among the Dead Sea Scrolls 
and at Masada, there is verification that this is indeed a translation.
 The book of Sirach has Simon the son of Onias (i.e. Simon the Just) the 
pinnacle of the high priests.  The description of his glory serving on the 
day of Atonement appears to be eyewitness.  Commentaries such as AB point out 
that while Sirach's other historical material is all drawn from Biblical 
sources, but the description of Simon isn't, and this (as well as its 
vividness) is the main argument for first-hand description, (not e.g. verb 
tenses).  Moreover, the description of his architectural achievements, 
building Jerusalem's walls, digging a water cistern, fortifying Jerusalem 
against seige (Sir. 50.1-4) -- such contemporary details would hardly be 
remembered, much less considered important enough to record, decades later.  
Again, as you mention, there is zero awareness of the Hellenistic Crisis, the 
Maccabean War, the Hasmonean high priests.  Why would someone record the 
glories of the Oniad priestly line in the Hasmonean period?  There is zero 
polemics against the Hasmonean high priests, and indeed no thought that the 
Oniad priestly line would ever be supplanted.  What I consider the clincher 
is Sir. 50.24, only present in the Hebrew:

May his [God's] kindness toward Simon be lasting;
may he fulfill for him the covenant with Phineas
So that it may not be abrogated for him
or for his descendants, while the heavens last.

This wishes on Simon and his descendants the office of high priest (as 
promised to Phineas) forever.  Such a sentiment would not have been voiced 
after his son Onias III was deprived of the office of high priest in 175 BCE. 
 Sirach was written after Simon's death (Sir. 50:1, in his lifetime) in c. 
180.  Hence a date of composition of 180-175 appears secure.  
I agree with you that Sirach's praise of the sons of Zadok belongs in 
the literary context of the Qumran texts's Zadokites, especially since 
Sirach was found at Qumran.  But given Sirach's secure dating to c. 180-175 
BCE, this rather undermines your theory linking the Zadokites with the 
Sadducees of the late 2nd/early 1st BCE.

  There is no
  text, no inscription, that has the Oniads as Zadokites, for
  example, although it can be reasoned they were by descent,
  but there is no text or testimony which has the Oniads called
  Zadokites or has them claiming they were. 

Of course one can trace the high priests from Zadok (in the time of 
David) to the fall of Jerusalem, and then down to c. 400 BCE, from the 
Chronicler -- for what that's worth; and from Josephus, down to Onias -- for 
what that's worth.  So the Oniads probably claimed a descent from Zadok, as 
you note.  But as for a text that calls the Oniads Zadokites, I would say 
Sirach, with its high praise of Simon the son of Onias, and similar praise 
for the sons of Zadok, comes pretty close to what you ask.
Finally, (1) there is no evidence that the yachad as a whole was called 
Zadokite (i.e., Sadducee per your interpretation).  In 1QS [but not in some 
4QS parallels] the priests _only_ are called sons of Zadok, not the group as 
a whole.  (2) One must also note that 1QS, which has Zadok terminology, has 
Essene affinities, 

Re: orion-list Sirach on Zadok-ites c.180-175

2001-06-03 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Bruce Wildish,
Thanks for your well-considered comments.  
With respect to the power struggle described in Josephus between the 
Joseph the Tobiad and Onias II over the collection of Ptolemaic taxes in 
Syria, I'm not sure it's correct to characterize this as a conflict between 
hellenists and Oniads.  The material in Josephus doesn't suggest a religious 
dimension to this rivalry.  Note also that the Tobiads and Oniads 
intermarried, Hyrkanus being related to the Oniads.  Further, Onias III got 
into trouble for his close relations with Hyrkanus - specifically, allowing 
Hyrkanus to bank his monies in the temple.  So there doesn't appear to be 
evidence of a schism between the Oniads and Tobiads.  Indeed, the scandal 
that lost Onias his high priesthood also appears to have sent Hyrkanus into 
exile into Ammonite Jordan.  Jason (Onias III's brother) later took refuge 
with Hykranus the Tobiad in Ammon, showing continued good relations between 
Oniads and Tobiads.
As for the earlier conflicts between Nehemiah and the Tobiah and 
Samaritans of that day, you grant greater historical credibility to the 
Nehemiah account than I do.  Nehemiah is first mentioned by Sirach in 180-175 
BCE, and in my opinion the book of Nehemiah was in fact written in 180-175 
BCE and reflects (among other things) the scandal over Tobiad funds being 
stored in the temple, which was the cause of Onias III's downfall.  
My point with respect to Sirach was not only his praise of Simon the Just 
but also the noticable lack of sectarian polemics against other groups.  
Sirach rails against the Samaritans; one also sees anti-Samaritan polemics in 
the Testament of Levi, Jubilees, the Book of Watchers (IMO), etc., from this 
same general period; but until the Hellenistic Crisis I don't find evidence 
of internal polemics of one Jewish group against another.  
Your references to Jerusalem power struggles evidenced in the prophets 
are intriguing, but I'm personally hesitant to draw historical conclusions 
from the Ezekiel or Malachi, since I don't consider the prophets in general 
to have been convincingly dated.  The first datable reference to the prophets 
is, again, Sirach.  The prophetic texts may contain old materials, or then 
again same may have been written as late as 180 BCE.  We simply don't know.  
If Ezekiel documents a conflict between those promoting the Zadokite 
priesthood and other groups, when did this conflict take place, and does it 
say anything about the emergence of the Sadducees as a Jewish sect?
In summary I'd say, sure, there have been power struggles of varying 
kinds down through time, many doubtless unrecorded anywhere, but do these 
struggles necessarily imply sectarianism or relate specifically to the 
origins of Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes?  What is the earliest evidence 
for these sects?  When does a sect become a sect?

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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orion-list Dead Sea exhalations

2001-06-02 Thread RGmyrken

 In a recent posting I pointed out that Pliny's description of the Dead 
Sea likely comes from Diodorus Siculus (one of his listed sources), which in 
turn comes from Hieronymus of Cardia.  
 The relevant passage at Diodorus Siculus19.98 reads, in part, Its water 
is very bitter and of exceedingly foul odour, so that it can support neither 
fish nor any of the other creatures usually found in water... On every side 
about the sea for a distance of many stades the odour of the asphalt spreads 
with a noisome exhalation, and all the silver, gold, and bronze in the region 
lose their proper colours.  These, however, are restored as soon as all the 
asphalt has been ejected; but the neighboring region is very torrid and ill 
smelling, which makes the inhabitants sickly in body and exceedingly 
short-lived.  
 While doing some unrelated research, I was recently reading Jane 
Hornblower's book, _Hieronymus of Cardia_ (Oxford University Press, 1981), 
and came upon an interesting discussion of the above passage.  (Diodorus 
Siculus books 18-20 consist for the most part of extracts from Hieronymus of 
Cardia.)  She writes at pp. 149-49 that the emergence of asphalt and noxious 
fumes from the Dead Sea is paralleled in modern times in locations in Mexico 
and South America (citing R. J. Forbes, _Bitumen and Petroleum in Antiquity_ 
[Lieden, 1936] 16-18), and that the effects of the gas (hydrogen sulfide) 
emitted by the pitch are said to be those described in Diodorus.
I'm quite familiar with hydrogen sulfide and its properties, being the 
chief component of rotten eggs.  In high school advanced chemistry we used to 
produce hydrogen sulfide by (a) locking a fellow student in the supply room; 
(b) lining the bottom of the door with egg shells, and (c) adding sulfuris 
acid.  Technically speaking, step (a) was unnecessary, but this was high 
school.  I can attest to the appropriateness of the description of the result 
in Diodorus Siculus as producing noxious fumes.  These can induce 
faintness, which might also explain the flying birds falling into the Dead 
Sea in the late tradition mentioned by Stephen Goranson.  If the periodic 
fumes near the Dead Sea were of sufficient strength to discolor metal, they 
would likely also have had a corrosive effect on the lungs of those living 
nearby, so that the shortened lifespan is also believable.  The Dead Sea does 
not produce as much floating bitumen now as in antiquity, but lumps of 100 
lbs. have been documented in recent times.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
]
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Re: orion-list Bibliography request (Essa)

2001-05-19 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Greg,

   I would imagine Stephen G. has an extensive biblio on the subject.
   The citation is of course Ant. 13.393, Thereupon Alexander... led his 
army against Essa, where Zenon's most valuable possessions were, and 
surrounded the place with three walls; and after taking the city without a 
battle...
   Compare Wars 1.104, Alexander... proceeded against Gerasa, hankering once 
more after the treasures of Theodorus [son of Zenon - see 1.86].  Having 
blockaded the garrison with a triple line of walls, he conquered the place 
without a battle.
   Clearly Essa, unknown elsewhere, is a corruption of the well-known major 
city Gerasa in Transjordan.

   Best regards,
   Russell Gmirkin

 This is a request for bibliography in any language for the 
  proposal that the toponym 'Essa' (Ant. 15.393) is the 
  source of the name of the 'Essenes'. Thank you,
  
  Greg Doudna
  
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Re: orion-list Jeroboam/ CD 7 (Jubilees)

2001-05-11 Thread RGmyrken

Dierk,

A few comments on your analysis of Jub. 34:4 (which VanderKam translates, 
based on extensive textual analysis:  And there came the kings of Tafu and 
the kings of Aresa and the kings of Seragan and the kings of Selo and the 
kings of Ga'as and the kings of Betoron and the kings of Ma'ansakir...):
Just for your info, VanderKam's identifications (Textual Studies, 219ff) 
are as follows:
Tafu = Tappuah (Josh. 16:8); Aresa, usually identified with Hasor, he 
considers a corruption of Adesa = Adasa; Seragan (related texts have Srtn) he 
identifies with Piraton, but as reviewers pointed out this site is better 
identified with Biblical Zaratan (Josh. 3:16); Selo is Shiloh; Ga'as is 
Biblical Ga'as (Josh. 24:30); Betoron is Beth Horon; Ma'ansakir is Mahanayim 
(per VanderKam perhaps not the Transjordanian site, but another near Shechem, 
near modern Khirbet Mahneh - he cites Wright, Shechem 12-13, 245) and Sychar.

  Ma'ansakir of Jub. 34:4 is often taken to be a combination of the names of
  two cities, Ma'an and Sakir.
  
  Not really, for Ma'anisakir is to be identified as Hirbat al-Mahana al-Foqa
  (Hirbat an-Nabi, Nabi Isma'il), ca. 4 km ssw of Sechem (Tal Balata) and 4.5
  km s of Nablus.
  Sakir indeed refers to Sychar (Joh 4.5) = 'En Swkr (Mishna Menahot 10.2), a
  location ~1 km nw Sechem and 2 km wnw Nablus. The southern plain of Ma'an /
  al-Mahna isn't meant here, for acc. to TestJud 6.3 and Midrash 693 the
  village is located on top of a mountain (as I've mentioned already ealier).

I'm a little confused, as there is no independent mention of Sakir 
alongside Ma'ansakir in Jub. 34:4 in the textual traditions I'm aware of, 
only Ma'ansakir by itself (or variants), or Shabir king of Mahanayim, which 
reflects Ma'an and Sakir as originally distinct cities.
  
  The destruction of Shechem indeed ignores the general conditions of the
  Maccabean military scenario, nevertheless it fits perfectly into to the
  local geography and the military spirit of the narration and was, thus,
  important enough to be added (as an anti-Samaritan anecdote? cf. Ant XIII
  275) in a later stage of political redaction, that is, in the end phase of
  the 'true' Jewish military epoch 110 -76 BC. 

I agree that Jubilees underwent a considerable textual evolution.  (The 
earliest, pre-Maccabean edition appears to have concerned itself mainly with 
polemics against Pseudo-Eupolemus along with alleged patriarchal practice of 
Mosaic legislation.)  I wouldn't exclude the possibility of further 
developments as late as you suggest, if the evidence warrants it.
A problem I have in dating this passage by the presence of Sychar rather 
than  Shechem is that we don't really know why the author collected these 
placenames.  VanderKam noted that some of these were fortresses built by 
Bacchides (and hence though Jubilees dated c. 161 BCE), but this conclusion 
was based on some of his site identifications which seemed forced, such as 
Pirathon.  Is this, instead, a reminiscence of locations in a historical 
military campaign or campaigns (perhaps Maccabean)?  If so, then one can 
conceive of a guerilla battle fought at Sychar rather than at the larger city 
of Shechem, and Shechem's absence loses its significance.  Unless one 
understands the background of the list as a whole -- an unsolved and perhaps 
unsolvable problem -- one cannot draw firm conclusions from this passage IMO.
Also, while Shechem was captured by Hyrkanus (Ant. 13.255), it was not 
said to have been leveled like Samaria, and Josephus refers to Demetrius's 
army in his campaign against Jannaeus in 88 BCE as encamped near the city of 
Shechem (Ant. 13.377).  This is in the period when you have suggested Sychar 
had superceded a destroyed Shechem, if I understand you correctly.  I have 
not read Wright's _Shechem_ -- is your reconstruction of Shehem's history 
based on his archaeological conclusions?  And how do you interpret the data 
from Antiquities?
  
  PS. What's up with your legionaries in 1QM? Enough panis militaris left for
  a decisive breakthrough this year?

Between campaigns at the moment.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: QUM: Re: orion-list Further on Pliny, Essenes, Judaism

2001-05-09 Thread RGmyrken

On 5/5 Stephen Goranson wrote 

  From discussion, notably with Jay Treat, as well as Bob, Sigrid
  Peterson and others, the noxious element was plainly shown to be, not earth
  nor air, but water in the Dead Sea. Pliny narrates that the good water of
  the helpful, meandering Jordan remaining after serving to benefit humans to
  the north ends up in the bad sea. The Loeb translation was wrong to add
  exhalations (and alo in error elsewhere). That error may have been
  influenced by a mistaken story (perhaps from a medieval pilgrim) that a
  bird attempting to fly over this salt lake would perish. So Essenes merely
  needed to avoid that water and supply their own with the aqueduct and
  cisterns, water also available for agriculture.

While I agree that exhalations is not in the original text, I can 
understand why H. Rackham, the Loeb translator, understood Pliny to refer to 
noxious fumes from the Dead Sea.  The earlier discussion on Orion ignored 
relevant data from earlier sources.  
Diodorus Siculus19.98 reads, in part, Its water is very bitter and of 
exceedingly foul odour, so that it can support neither fish nor any of the 
other creatures usually found in water... On every side about the sea for a 
distance of many stades the odour of the asphalt spreads with a noisome 
exhalation, and all the silver, gold, and bronze in the region lose their 
proper colours.  These, however, are restored as soon as all the asphalt has 
been ejected; but the neighboring region is very torrid and ill smelling, 
which makes the inhabitants sickly in body and exceedingly short-lived.  Yet 
the land is good for raising palm trees in whatever part it is crossed by 
serviceable rivers or is supplied with springs that can irrigate it.  
The passage is almost identical with Diodorus Siculus 2.48.6-9, which 
says in part, The region round about, by reason of its being exposed to fire 
and to the evil odours, renders the bodies of the inhabitants susceptible to 
disease and makes the people very short-lived.
That Pliny depends on Diodorus here is probable, since both call the Dead 
Sea Lake Asphaltus.  A comparison of Diodorus and Pliny also reveals a 
number of other parallels which we need not enter into here.  The dependence 
of Pliny on Diodorus of Sicily here is also confirmed by Pliny listing 
Diodorus of Syracuse [in Sicily] as one of his sources for book 5.  
Diodorus, meanwhile, puts the Dead Sea in the country of the Nabateans, a 
tradition shared only with Hieronymous of Cardia, the historian of the wars 
of the Diadochi c. 300 BCE.  For Diodorus' use of Hieronymous, see M. Stern, 
_Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism_ 1.167-68 and elsewhere.  
I suspect that Rackham lifted the phrase noisome exhalations out of 
Diodorus by way of clarifying the difficult text - and, given the 
relationship between Pliny and Diodorus, this was probably a good decision, 
though a footnote would have been appropriate.  
I hope this is helpful.  Pliny's use of Diodorus, incidentally, shows 
that he did not rely on Roman sources for his discussion of Judea, at least 
not exclusively.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin
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Re: orion-list Chronicles and the Dead Sea Scrolls

2001-05-06 Thread RGmyrken

Dear Walter,

Evidently your site still has problems with this article -- doesn't 
appear in the menu with AOL = Netscape browser.
By the way, I have a pretty good original argument that the Chronicler 
(the author of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah) wrote c. 180-175 BCE.  Sirach 
(Ecclestiasticus), writing about this time, is the first reference to 
Nehemiah (and omits Ezra), as many have noted.  Nehemiah's accomplishments 
mirror those of Simon the Just (c. 200-180), who is also praised in Sirach.  
The smoking gun in my opinion is that the polemics against the Tobiads in 
Nehemiah exactly match opposition to the Tobiads in c. 180-175 BCE, including 
their having their wealth stored in the temple.  (Read 2 Macc. on this 
[Hyrkanus the Tobiad also appears in Josephus]).  Thought you might find this 
interesting.
A couple dissonant points are that 1 Chr. appears to put the priestly 
clan of the Maccabees in first position, which suggests a slightly later date 
(after 165 BCE); and that Ezra is really unknown until the first century BCE.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

 Available at my website is an article titled Dating 1  2 Chronicles via
  Archaeological Anomalies and Anachronisms (Click on the below url in my
  signature if interested), which concludes that the work may have been
  composed in the 2d or 1st century BCE, nearly contemporary with some of the
  works found in the famous Dead Sea Scrolls caches.
  All the best,  Walter
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Re: orion-list Chronicles and the Dead Sea Scrolls

2001-05-06 Thread RGmyrken

My apologies to Orion - my reply to Walter's posting on Orion was 
intended to be private.

Russell Gm.
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Re: orion-list Question on Jeroboam

2001-05-05 Thread RGmyrken

Greg Doudna asks,

  Can anyone show from texts either found or reliably reconstructed
  at Qumran anything referring to Jeroboam negatively? 
  Anything that condemns the northern kingdom of Israel from seceding
  from Judah? 

While the following is by no means exhaustive, and perhaps not exactly on 
point per your specifications, here are perhaps a few indications of Qumran's 
attitude towards the secession of the northern kingdom.
The Qumran texts include b. Sirach, which, though not a sectarian text, 
was valued at Qumran.  b. Sirach condemns Shechem as a foolish people.
In rewrites of Gen. 34 (the slaughter of Shechem and Hamor), Shechem is 
also violently condemned in the Testament of Levi and Jubilees (as I recall), 
in excess of Gen. 34 itself.  (These texts, like b. Sirach, may not be 
sectarian, though they are found at Qurman).
1 Kings is a text found at Qumran, and 1 Ki. 12 is unambiguous in its 
condemnation of Jeroboam and the inception of the northern kingdom.
1QpMicah 10 3-4 interprets Samaria and the high places of Judah as the 
Spreader of Lies who misdirected simpletons.
In CD 7.11-13 there is a reference to the day Ephraim departed [sur, 
turned aside] from Judah in a context that appears to identify Ephraim with 
renegades who are delivered up to the sword (cf. 8.1).  In CD 16.9 the same 
word is used with reference to those who turn away from the law; in CD 
1.15-16 in departing from the paths of righteousness.  The term has overall 
negative connotations I believe.  A different word is used for the penitents 
of Israel who departed [yatsa, go out] from the land of Judah at CD 4.2-3; 
6.5.
Certainly Josephus is negative towards the Samaritans, and I can't recall 
any Talmudic traditions favorable towards Jeroboam or the northern kingdom.  
If CD contains such a tradition, I think it would be unique.  
Some of the prophets, however, are neutral towards Ephraim.  Jeroboam the 
son of Nebat is not mentioned in the prophets.  However, Hos 8.5-6; 13.2 
condemn the calf of Samaria (a molten calf of gold or silver per 8:4, 13.2, 
in which Ephraim offends in Baal per 113:1).  This is a fairly clear 
condemnation of the golden calf of Dan and Bethel (1 Ki. 12.29).  In Amos 
8.14 the sin of Samaria is put in parallel with the god of Dan [i.e. the 
golden calf].  Amos condemns the altars and cult at Bethel.  If one could 
successfully detach Jeroboam from the golden calf, perhaps by positing that 
the cult of Dan and Bethel was a post-Jeroboam development, then perhaps one 
could imagine a view of Jeroboam and the departure of Israel from Judah in a 
positive light, but surely the authors of CD were familiar with the tradition 
in 1 Ki. 12 associating Jeroboam and the golden calf, were they not?
Good luck with your research.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

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Re: orion-list diverse responses and suggestions offered (Essenes; sources; e...

2001-04-28 Thread RGmyrken

A quick comment on one paragraph from Stephen's over-all helpful and 
informative posting.  It does appear relevant that doing the law is 
represented in 4QMMT, a document with Sadducee affinities (along with 11QT 
and the halachic materials in CD) but not in 1QS, the sole Qumran document 
probably known to the Essenes, in which the expression doers of the law 
nowhere appears, only an isolated reference to those who do mishpat 
[justice] at 8.3.  (Note that J. Kampen, The Hasideans and the Origin of 
Pharisaism:  A Study in 1 and 2 Maccabees, 76-81, identifies the seekers of 
righteousness and justice at 1 Macc. 2:29 as Dead Sea Scrolls sectarians 
based on the importance of the terms sadduk and mishpat at Qumran.)  

Russell Gm.

  MMT is relevant, 'asah in title. Qimron and/or Strugnell as cited
  before (DJD-MMT and Qumran Hebrew book [and cf Appendix 138 on
  chosen/essen]) note use of 'asah by itself as observing torah in MMT. At
  Qumran ma'ase hatorah (or a word play on torah, todah) are described as
  offeredwho does that? How shall we translate 1QS 8.3 (published
  versions vary; cf DSS After 50)?
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Re: orion-list Doing the law/Essenes

2001-04-20 Thread RGmyrken

Stephen,
Your attempt to correlate NT language about "doers of the law" with your 
theories on Essene deriving from 'oseh ha-torah is probably more nuanced than 
my posting suggested. In the interests of accuracy I will certanly read the 
materials you cited.  For now, I will simply state that I don't find the 
language of Torah observance in Epiphanius or the NT particularly striking.  
Perhaps if you explained, in answer to Greg's query, exactly how the 
materials you've collected differ remarkably from similar language applied to 
Pharisees, etc., it would help.  Does it all hinge on the noun form "doers" 
as opposed to "doing"?  Have you been as exhaustive in scouring all languages 
and literature through the centuries for similar phrasing applied to 
Pharisees, e.g., as Essenes?  If you have, that would be of interest.
My own doubts as to your etymology center first of all on the Qumran 
evidence, where in most cases the phrase 'oseh ha-torah is in an adjective 
phrase ("the community council who do the law", "the simple of Judah who do 
the law", etc.) and are not a primary designation for the elect.  One 
exception, 1QpHab 8.1, "all who do the law in the House of Judah", just seems 
like another one of these endless permutations.  
What I find most significant is the formula does not appear in 1QS, which 
is the only Qumran text with significant correlations with the Essenes of 
Josephus (apart from 4QS parallels and certain sections of CD which show 
knowledge of 1QS).  Rather, 1QS prefers the phrasing, "volunteers for the 
law" (also seen at 1 Macc. 2:42 describing the Hasidim).  It seems to me that 
an argument on the etymology of Essene should rest on the one Qumran text 
with Essene affinities.
Rather, most (all?) occurrences of the phrase "doers of the law" come out 
the pesherim, which mention the Teacher of Righteousness (and other figures 
unknown to 1QS).  The Teacher of Righteousness in turn has certain halachahic 
materials promulgated in his name in CD 20.27-34, which Schiffman especially 
has been shown to have Sadducee affinities (along with other halachic Qumran 
texts).  So your data appears to come out of Qumran materials with Sadducee 
rather than Essene affinities.  To me this rules out the etymology; but 
perhaps you are of the old school that still views the Qumran corpus as one 
homogenous whole.  

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin

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Re: orion-list replies

2000-12-13 Thread RGmyrken

Al Baumgarten writes:

 This is the heart of my communication. I agree that Pliny's
  account of the Essene city refers to Qumran, but it is so full of
  misinformation and in need of special pleading to sustain that
  conclusion that I cannot follow Pliny in concluding that Qumran was
  Essene.

What I find disingenuous about the use of Pliny in arguing that the 
scrolls were Essene is the huge disparity in the dates of the sources.  The 
latest historical references in the scrolls are to Gabinius and Peitholas, c. 
55 BCE.  So one would hope to find evidence of Essenes at Qumran by mid-first 
century BCE, hopefully considerably earlier.  But Pliny writes in the late 
first century CE about Essenes west of the Dead Sea, probably drawing on 
Nicolas of Damascus' work "Collection of Remarkable Customs", which brings us 
only as far back as late as c. 20 BCE.  It is well known that Herod the Great 
had agricultural interests (palms, aromatics) in Jericho, En Gedi, and 
thereabouts.  The ostracon inscription supports a connection of Qumran with 
agricultural holdings in Jericho, and one may note that the name Josephus 
[Joseph] on a seal-ring at Qumran was a name common among Herod's relatives 
and officials.  It is also known that Herod patronized the Essenes.  I think 
it quite likely that Herod brought Essenes to the area to work the royal 
agricultural estates.  But what evidence is there of Essenes near the Dead 
Sea prior to the date of Nicolas and Herod the Great?  It is special 
pleading, in my opinion, to use Pliny to project an Essene presence near the 
Dead Sea to the time the scrolls were written (certainly there is none, 
including the Copper Scroll, which can be demonstrated to be of the Herodian 
period or later; I think we can agree Cross' paleographical dating doesn't 
constitute proof).  
Again, it is special pleading to interpret e.g. the miqvot built during 
Qumran 1b as specifically Essene.  Why not e.g. Sadducee, given the apparent 
Sadducee halakhot in 4QMMT, 11QT, and the halachic (not the later serekh) 
legal materials in CD?  Ex-partisans of Alexander Jannaeus, probably 
predominantly Sadducee, were exiled to various fortified wilderness locations 
in c. 76 BCE by their Pharisee opponents, and there is a contemporary Hymn to 
King Jonathan that surely argues the Qumran residents to have been Jannaeus 
supporters.  My own opinion is that Sadducee supporters of Jannaeus and 
Aristobulus occupied Qumran from 76 to c. 55 BCE, when Gabinius finally 
cracked down on Aristobulus in a series of actions near the Dead Sea (one 
against Peitholaus, note).  I think the Pliny reference to Essenes by the 
Dead Sea has been anachronistically imposed on earlier periods, and that 
sectarian indications of earlier periods have been assumed to indicate 
"Essene" when no such inference is possible from strictly archaeological 
evidence.  We should be open to other interpretations of the site, paying due 
attention to such anomalies as pointed out by Al.

Best regards,
Russell Gmirkin


  
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Re: orion-list Essenes at Qumran: A Reality Check

2000-12-07 Thread RGmyrken

With out entering into the merits of the current debate, I would simply 
point out significantly lower estimates of Qumran's population in J. Patrich, 
"Did Extra-Mural Dwelling Quarters Exist at Qumran?" in The Dead Sea Scrolls 
Fifty Years after their Discovery:  1947-1997, 720-727.  He notes Humbert 
estimated 10-15 residents at Qumran and Patrich himself, based on estimates 
of available living quarters, puts an upper limit of a few dozen.  The 
estimates of 150-200 or higher by others would require the majority to live 
outside Qumran itself in caves, tents and huts.  He very persuasively argues 
that there are no remains of tent dwellings (which archaeologists can easily 
identify) and the limestone caves do not resemble other caves adapted to 
human living as e.g. in hermitages in the Judean wilderness.  The marl caves 
were probably inhabited, which adds 3-6 to the population.  So there were 
perhaps 10-40 people at Qumran.  Whether they were Essenes I leave to others 
to argue.

Best,
Russell Gmirkin
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