[Ugnet] Uganda turned into private property-------Mulindwa
Uganda turned into private property With great interest I have read my friend Dr Muniini Mulera's letter to Tingasinga of March 21, 2005 under the headline Stand up for the truth. As always, Mulera tells only one part of the equation, and decides to look at a smaller picture of the general equation. Uganda has been stuck with NRM for now 20 years, and as it stands one can not help but wonder what happens today if NRM was to leave power. Neither have we as Ugandans thought very seriously about this undertaking. The Movement has destroyed the future political life of our nation, and refused totally to rebuild it. And whether we as Ugandans like it or not, Uganda has a very good chance of falling into a power vacuum that it narrowly missed to fall into at the removal of President Yusuf Lule. And those of us who were in Kampala at the time remember the courageous men and women who worked so hard to pull Uganda out of that gap. Dr. Mulera has mentioned the names of the courageous former Uganda politicians that resigned in Ugandan history. But what he has failed to mention here is the foundation the leadership of Uganda built at that time. Obote and UPC, hate them or like them, planned for the future of Uganda, and that is why those Ugandans managed to resign. They were built on a single word my friend Mulera. Nationalism. National Resistance Movement is not a movement built on nationalism; it is about eating and being in power for life. That is why the future political infrastructure of Uganda has been purposely destroyed. Politically and militarily. Take a hard look at northern Uganda, a region that has been known in producing many educated people. The north has been engulfed in a war that the government has either failed or refused to solve for now 20 years. We have a population that has been in camps for so long that the kids that were born in these camps are now parents in the same camps. What is the future of northern Uganda? And if we were to get peace in Uganda today, how do we as Ugandans assimilate this entire population back to society? This is the leadership we have, a leadership that has made sure it turns Uganda into a permanent private property. What leaders like Obote did was to build a structure of young Ugandans from schools and political arenas to be able to take these future positions. That is why today most of the people in leadership positions have a background in either Obote I or II. With a government that is taking Uganda as a private property, Mulera is wrong to expect John Nagenda to resign. If Mulera wants a leadership with qualities that can resign, he must use his pen to focus Ugandans on building the future than the present. Dr Mulera has used his pen very effectively to tell us how terrible President Milton Obote was to Uganda; how can he turn around today to use the same Obote's fruits in Uganda as examples to be used today? Dr Mulera, it is called a cake; when we eat it, we can not have it. Edward Mulindwa Toronto [EMAIL PROTECTED] htmlDIV DIVGook /DIV DIVnbsp;/DIV/DIV/html _ Don't just search. Find. Check out the new MSN Search! http://search.msn.com/ ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] (no subject)
Stop arrests, intimidation Date: Sun, 20 Mar 2005 19:26:05 + Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed Editorial | March 21, 2005 Stop arrests, intimidation In the space of only four days, security personnel have arrested two Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) supporters ostensibly in connection with the opposition partys t-shirts. We condemn these actions because they undermine the spirit of opening up the political space. Last Wednesday, Internal Security Organisation operatives arrested an FDC coordinator in Rukunguri over wearing a party t-shirt. The arresting authorities said it was a rebel uniform. By the weekend the whereabouts of Mr Christopher Turyahikayo were still unknown. It is a national tragedy when a citizen is arrested over wearing a t-shirt of a duly registered political party. Then on Saturday, security personnel arrested an FDC supporter who prints the partys t-shirts in Bunga, Kampala. Ms Peggy Ntegyereize, who was accused of being a rebel collaborator, was released after recording a statement with the Criminal Investigations Department. She said she was being intimidated because she deals with the FDCs exiled leader, Col. Kiiza Besigye. Earlier, FDC promoters were turned away from celebrations to mark the International Womens Day on account of their attire. Police told the FDC women who were wearing party t-shirts and carrying a party flag that their dress was inappropriate and was likely to cause a breach of the peace. Yet, hundreds who were dressed in yellow t-shirts and dry banana leaves, the party colour of the NRM and symbol of the governments no-term limits campaign respectively, were allowed to take part in the celebrations presided over by President Yoweri Museveni. These are bad signs. The intimidation and harassment of opposition supporters will undermine the legitimacy of the political transition. If FDC and other opposition supporters are involved in rebel activity, they should be arrested through constitutional channels and tried before competent courts. The arrests of people associated with the FDC and its exiled leader have sown a climate of fear at a time when the country is gearing up for more competitive politics. The government has a responsibility to facilitate a conducive environment for political debate and campaigning. President Museveni and his administration should send a clear message to the police and security agencies to stop harassing and arresting opposition supporters over flimsy charges. htmlDIV DIVGook /DIV DIVnbsp;/DIV/DIV/html _ Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! Download today it's FREE! http://messenger.msn.click-url.com/go/onm00200471ave/direct/01/ ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Stand up for the truth
Stand up for the truth March 21, 2005 Dear Tingasiga: Thanks to Mr Super Magoba, a Monitor letter-writer, we have been reminded that on May 12, 2001, Presidential Advisor John Nagenda wrote that he was certain that Yoweri K. Museveni would never seek to remain in power beyond 2006. Nagenda wrote: Anyone who knows Musevenis strict adherence to the law can be sure that he will fulfill its every position. There will be no hanky panky to have the term extended, no lines of anxious pleaders begging on bended knee for the Great Leader to reconsider and stay on. HAS GREAT LITERARY SKILLS: Presidential Advisor John Nagenda Of course some of us knew, and stated so, that Nagendas prediction was all a pile of bishansha or bireere [dry banana leaves], our upbringing preventing us from using less gentlemanly language to describe the fallacy of our favourite columnists statements. In his letter to The Monitor last week, Magoba asked Nagenda to state his position on Ekisanja and whether he still thought that the President respected strict adherence to the law and rejected the hanky panky to extend terms to benefit him. In a 646-word essay in New Vision this past weekend, Nagenda shied away from directly answering Magobas simple question. Instead he spoke in tongues, something completely out of character for the straight-shooting author of One Mans Week. But as any good Christian will tell you, speaking in tongues without interpretation only edifies the individual. And so I humbly offer an interpretation of Nagendas uncharacteristic obfuscation of the message he intended to convey. I know that Nagenda, like many sincere supporters of the NRM, does not support the hanky panky to amend Article 105 (2) in order to enable Museveni to succeed himself next year. Like many, he feels betrayed by Museveni, a man whose word he took at face value. To soothe his wounded faith in the boss, Nagenda has bought into the myth that the masses are the ones driving the Kisanja fraud. And so he has abdicated his duty as a respected and influential thinker and opinion leader in the land. After all what can one say when the masses are dancing before the king? Yet I will not let him off the hook just like that. Surely Nagenda understands the nature of the masses, especially in societies where poverty places citizens at the mercy of manipulative rulers. The apparent support that Musevenis Kisanja project is enjoying among the masses does not impress one who has observed the same society for the last forty years. During the 1960s, Mr Milton Obotes Meet the People Tours routinely attracted throngs of ululating masses that would have lynched anyone who dared to challenge our beloved leader. Everywhere one looked there were men, women and children donning T-shirts and other garb in UPC party colors, displaying a young Milton Obotes portrait. In my native Kigezi, we were raised on songs of praise for the great leader of the UPC and Obote shirts and dresses were among our Sunday best. Even as late as January 1971, Obotes popularity among the masses appeared to be soaring. Except in Buganda, of course. On January 25, 1971, Warrant Officer II Sam Wilfred Aswa read out the 18 reasons why the men and officers of the Uganda army had overthrown the popular presidents government. And so began the temporary rule of Maj. Gen. Idi Amin Dada who was welcomed with orgasmic celebrations in Buganda and a few other parts of the country. By 1979, in spite of the murders, the brutality, the humiliation and the economic hardships, the masses all over the country had long accommodated themselves to their ruler, with Amins tours of his realm greeted with joyful festivities. Except in Lango and Acholi, of course. Did the people of Rukungiri, Kigezi, now divorced from Obote, not demand that Amin become Life President of the Second Republic? Of course the whole thing was orchestrated by the presidents courtiers who hailed from Rukungiri, their agenda being less about Amin or Uganda than it was about their personal interests. In what would become the first Kisanja campaign in Uganda, the masses from other parts of the country, even those whose sons and daughters had perished under the regime, quickly cast their lots with their Banyarukungiri brethren. Not even the murder of Anglican Archbishop Janani Luwum in 1977 could stop the masses from dancing with apparent joy whenever Life President Al Hajji Field Marshal Dr Idi Amin Dada VC, DSO, MC, CBE visited his realm. Had his love affair with the masses not been rudely interrupted by the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces in 1979, Amin would have probably died in office, leaving behind millions of uncontrollably grief-stricken masses. But with his overthrow in April 1979, the same masses welcomed the conquering Tanzanians and Ugandan exiles with open arms and legs. Though things got a little confusing for the masses, what with the
[Ugnet] Regime of tyranny and torture back to haunt Uganda
TELEGRAPH Regime of tyranny and torture back to haunt Uganda By Adrian Blomfield in Kampala (Filed: 19/03/2005) Suspected dissidents disappear after midnight visits to their homes; chilling screams can again be heard from Idi Amin's infamous torture chambers, reopened after a quarter of a century of disuse. From the few that escape come tales of punishment beatings and even mass executions. Welcome to President Yoweri Museveni's Uganda. One of Britain's favourite African states in recent years has, almost unnoticed in the West, become a sinister land where a corrupt regime uses its secret police to rule through fear. President Yoweri Museveni The reasons for this transition are not hard to fathom. Mr Museveni has ruled Uganda since 1986, when his rebels marched triumphantly into the capital Kampala. Many of his countrymen believe he now wants to recast himself as that most African of leaders: a president for life. Signalling his intent to jettison the vestigial trappings of democracy his government still professes, Mr Museveni has set out to remove a constitutional provision that prevents him from standing in elections next year. Not all Ugandans are keen on the idea, but the government has ways of making them change their mind. Last year, Yasin, a taxi driver who occasionally chauffeured a senior opposition official around the countryside, was woken by a loud rapping at his door a few hours before dawn. The men who had come to arrest him were not policemen, but members of the widely feared Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI). Yasin knew that the CMI, a shadowy spy agency directly answerable to the president, had no powers to arrest anybody. But he also knew better than to question his captors. He was taken to Makindye barracks, where some of the worst atrocities of Amin's infamous State Research Bureau, which used to force inmates to beat each other to death with sledgehammers, took place in the 1970s. "Every day for a week, they would hang me upside down and beat me with clubs," Yasin said. "They wanted to know names of people working for the opposition. I kept saying I didn't know any, but they wouldn't believe me." On his third day, Yasin watched as a fellow inmate, an elderly man accused of recruiting for the main opposition alliance, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), was killed using a method known as "Liverpool". The victim's head was placed in a bag that was repeatedly filled with water. To breathe, he had to drink it all, but the more he drank, the more bloated his belly became until his innards ruptured and he died in a pool of his own urine. The official existence of political parties was only allowed last year, under considerable western pressure. Until then Mr Museveni operated what he called a no-party system, in which every Ugandan belonged to an entity known as The Movement, which was headed by the president. In theory, the philosophy was supposed to rid Uganda of the ethnic and political divisions that helped cause the civil wars and dictatorships that characterised much of the country's history since independence from Britain in 1962. In practice it has allowed Mr Museveni to exert total control over most of his people. The leader of the FDC, Kizza Besigye, in exile in South Africa, has instructed his campaigners to dole out copies of Animal Farm during party rallies. But most people are too frightened to attend. Secret police infiltrate the rallies, noting down those who attend. It is usually supporters and low ranking FDC members who are taken to Makindye. As a means of spreading fear, it is an extremely effective method. Philip and his wife Juliet were picked up in January, accused of renting out their hall south of the capital for an opposition meeting. Like many fellow suspects, they were accused of supporting the People's Redemption Army (PRA), a shadowy rebel outfit the government links to the FDC. The Foreign Office Minister, Chris Mullin, says that it is likely the PRA does not exist. "Every night I was hung upside down over a pit of snakes while my wife was raped by army officers," said Philip, who was held in Room 21 of Mbale Police Station, another Amin torture chamber. "One time we had to move five dead bodies into a truck. Another time I was made to dig my own grave." Like Yasin, Philip and Juliet were released. Their captors told them to report what had happened to fellow villagers, but threatened them with death if they told anyone else. Certainly things are not as bad as they were under Amin, who killed half-a-million people in eight years of bloodshed. Mr Museveni remains popular in many quarters for bringing stability to the country. The president was long seen as an African role model in the West for his willingness to introduce economic reforms demanded by the World Bank. But many donors are now disgusted both by the repression and by the corruption in Mr Museveni's cabinet, many of whom are relatives of the president. "Museveni hoodwinked many
[Ugnet] What does Nagenda say about the third term?
What does Nagenda say about the third term? On May 12, 2001, the day on which President Yoweri Museveni was sworn-in for the current term of office which is due to end next year, his Senior Advisor on Media and Public Relations, Mr John Nagenda, wrote a very interesting piece in the New Vision. Under the headline Museveni keeps his word, Nagenda assured the whole world how he was sure that his boss was serving his last term of office. This will be the start of Museveni's LAST five years in the presidential office, Nagenda wrote then. He went ahead and emphasized that the president would not heed any calls for him to stay on longer, adding that even at the call and behest of his supporters, Museveni would not stoop too low to mar his credentials as far as respect for the rule of law and constitutionalism are concerned. Anyone who knows Museveni's strict adherence to law can be sure that he will fufil its every provision. There will be no hanky panky to have the term extended, no lines of anxious pleaders begging on bended knee for the great leader to reconsider and stay on, wrote Nagenda. A lot of water has flowed under the proverbial bridge since then, as the saying goes. Apparently however, it appears what is happening is the exact opposite of what Nagenda predicted. The President has not only heeded the pleas of his courtiers, but has also gone ahead to remove any doubts about his intentions by donning ebisanja (ebishansha in Runyankore) during rallies he has been addressing in the recent past. I would therefore like to request Mr Nagenda to tell us his position and what he has to say about his predictions of May 2001. Does he still think that the President still respects strict adherence to law and the no hanky panky to extend terms to benefit him? Magoba Super, Rukungiri, tel. 077569109. PS. The quotations in this piece are downloaded from www.onemansweek.com htmlDIV DIVGook /DIV DIVnbsp;/DIV/DIV/html _ FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar - get it now! http://toolbar.msn.click-url.com/go/onm00200415ave/direct/01/ ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] M7's cows beat up and cheat Ugandan workers
Article Published on: 10th March 2005. Investor beats up his workers An Asian-American furniture manufacturer accused of kicking and boxing his workers says he only fears President Museveni. But a presidential representative in Kampala insists Museveni would never condone enslaving poor Ugandans. Richard M. Kavuma reports that government must choose whether to enforce Ugandas laws or bend over backwards for investors. When Jaspal Phaguda rings a bell at Kapkwata Saw Mills in Kampalas Industrial Area, workers must assemble at his office.The MD then addresses them or chooses specific persons he wants.On January 17, 2005, he wanted Ezekiel Alijuna, 20, who had been cleaning showrooms upstairs. Kapkwata Saw Mills Ltd., where workers claim they are beaten, jailed and sacked. WHERE IT HURTS: Alijuna shows the painful belly allegedly kicked d by Jaspal F***n Mutooro, come and clean my windows, Jaspal barked at Alijuna. Twice he was ordered to repeat the cleaning, but the boss remained unimpressed, so unimpressed he beat him up. He boxed me everywhere, in the face, chest, and again he was kicking me, says Alijuna, his left hand supporting the head. He was held by the neck and thrown about, before a security guard joined the assault. Chapa yeye mjinga (beat this fool), Jaspal reportedly ordered the guard. Other workers were ordered to hold him so he would not run away. All obeyed except one, who would be punished the following day.Every one fears him because he has a gun, says Alijuna. If they did not catch me he would sack them or cut their money. Covered in tears, and blood gushing from his mouth and nose, Alijuna would be kicked and gun-butted by private security guards called in by the boss, thrown onto a pickup truck and dumped at Jinja Road police station. The floor of the cell was cold, the smell sickening, the night painful for this youth who joined Kapkwata full of expectations. In March 2003, he had come to Kampala after dropping out of Kyalusozi Secondary School in Kyenjonjo district. His plan was simple: a good job, savings, and back to school. You know education is almost everything, he says, clutching his belly and resting his head on his knees in pain. If I had been well educated, I would not have been mistreated like this. His sister Dorothy Kiiza, with whom he lives in Mbuya, Nakawa Division, paid police Shs 30,000 the next morning to get him out of police cell. Kiiza says she found his face and overall full of blood, with pain in the back and chest. Can you imagine that from that time up to today, that boy does not sleep on the bed? He sleeps on the hard floor because of pain in the stomach, she said. Alijuna ties a white T-shirt around his stomach, in an attempt to control the pain. Medical forms from Nabakooza Family Clinic at Mbuya show that Alijuna was diagnosed with abdominal pain, chest pain and backache on January 18. A January 19 Police Surgeons report for Alijuna Ezekiel No. 54/10/01/05 shows that he had old (two days) bruises and abrasions upon the upper back and both elbows; old bruising and swelling of the lower lip and fingernail scratch marks upon the right side of neck; exquisite tenderness over the left side of the chest Consistent with assault with bare hands. On January 20, he went to Mulago Hospital where a medical officer noted pain in the hypochondria region, haematuria [blood in urine passed out] and scratch marks over the neck among other things. Familiar company It was not the first time Alijuna faced Jaspals wrath. Late last December, Jaspal slapped him on the left cheek causing his tooth to be removed in Mulago Hospital. On returning to the factory to report the unfortunate loss of his tooth, he was met with a warning: If you continue your monkey games I will remove all of them, he recalls Jaspal saying. So, what monkey games was he playing?He says that to anyone, says Sam Kasaija, another former Kapkwata employee, before Alijuna continues: He says that you f***n Ugandans are not working. You are just playing monkey games. As we speak in the office of Steven Kabuleta, the Nakawa Division secretary for security and health, Alijuna is in familiar company: former Kapkwata employees claiming they were beaten and sacked without being paid. They hope that Deputy Resident District Commissioner (Nakawa) Samuel Mpimbaza Hashaka and Kabuleta will help them get their salary arrears.Wazikonya Sam, 21, from Muyembe village, Sironko district: Sacked on January 18, allegedly because he refused to catch his good friend Alijuna. Kasaija Sam, 31, Mbuya resident: Started work last May. His assignments later included working at Jaspals house on Plot 1, Solomon Rise in Bugolobi, cleaning the compound, tending flowerbeds and feeding dogs. Kasaija, also called fn Mutooro and fn mjinga, says he was beaten and sacked on February 4, 2005, after he refused to sign that he would pay for a phone a colleague called
[Ugnet] Zoning alone will not help Uganda
And yet our president is said to be clearheaded and a very wise leader with the only vision. A vision to sale off our national tresures to his kin and kith? To bail out his relatives failed busines? The vision of Kisanja? Pew! gook Zoning alone will not help Uganda Abu Mayanja A learned friend and astute analyst Abu Mayanja President Museveni is currently on a nation-wide tour of Uganda preaching the gospel of bonna bagaggawale, (let everybody become rich). The strategy apparently involves not only identifying and attracting investors to Uganda, but also parcelling out the country into economic or productive zones. Each zone is expected to grow or rear those crops or animals for which it is best suited. The President has been blaming the acute unemployment on wrong courses at university. We all wish His Excellency success in his endeavours. But as the first minister of Information and Broadcasting in the NRM government, I recall some of the obstacles we identified as standing in the way of Ugandas rapid economic development and the steps we proposed to overcome them. One of the problems was that in Uganda, we were producing what we did not consume and consuming what we did not produce. After 19 years of NRM government, it is not easy to say we have done so much in resolving this problem. It seems we are still producing cotton and consuming mivumba. We export cotton, vanilla, coffee, copper and timber that we produce and import what we use. We also denounced the use of big trucks with or without trailers on our roads; they destroyed our roads whilst carrying very little tonnage of merchandise compared to what a single railway train would carry. Therefore, our strategy was to divert virtually all commercial traffic to the railway station. We invested in some locomotives and wagons in fulfillment of this policy. Today, however, the rail line even to Mityana has been covered by tall elephant grasses; there are not trains moving west of Kampala and even in Kampala to Mombasa segment, the lorry has regained undisputed sway. We also said, that in order to preserve something of our independence and ensure jobs for our people, we would accept no food aid. Remember these were the days when Uganda was confronted with the dreadful carnage. But we came out boldly against the external food aid for a few months as it turned out. Because food aid found its way, first as part of the school feeding project and then as so many other things. Result? Policy discarded. But the flagship of our economic policy, as everybody would recite in those days rested upon The building up of an integrated, self-sustaining, independent national economy and if you were scholarly, you could add with forward and backward linkages. It is amazing that today nobody hears of this lynch-pin in our development strategy. And nobody has ever seen or tasted the fruits of such an economy. Instead, we have been running a donor-driven economy, governed and controlled by market forces, not much different from what used to be known as Reaganomics or Thatcherism. I wish to suggest that Uganda needs to and revive the philosophy and machinery of economic planning, with a full ministry devoted to the purpose, a planning commission consisting of some of our ablest minds and serviced by an equally competent secretariat. Today, the President blames unemployment on the graduates, who pursue wrong courses at college, but why should universities especially the state universities be permitted to offer courses that are irrelevant to the needs of the market? The problem will continue to bedevil us until we set about planning for our development. In the education sector, we need to know what kind of manpower and in what quantities we need over a given period of time. Zoning alone will not do the trick as His Excellency knows. The idea of zoning in the NRM era was first mooted in the 1990s. It has not been implemented up to now. The New Vision reported last week that meat in Kiboga was selling at sh300 per kilo and a cow that used to cost sh400,000 was now going for sh100,000 because of the drought that had made pasture as well as water unavailable. It also reported that a jerrycan of water was going for sh900 in Mbarara district again due to the drought. In other words, our Ministry of Lands, Water and Environment cannot solve the problem of our herdsmen; we are still dependent on the elements for survival. In the meantime we continue to destroy our forests with the greatest abandon. Some 10 years ago I was shocked when, flying from Kamuli to Entebbe, I saw that virtually the whole of Mabira forest had been cut down and turned into banana gardens. My proposal to copy the Kenyans in having a national tree-planting day was rejected because the forestry department did not have enough seedlings. Do we have any plans to beat not only the current drought but the longer-term threatened movement of the Sahara southwards? Published on: Tuesday,
[Ugnet] We dont hate M7, we only love Uganda more
We dont hate M7, we only love Uganda more Betty Kamya Turwome DURING Radio Ones Spectrum talk show on which I was hosted last Tuesday, an audibly angry person named Bakashabarwamasha phoned in to say I couldnt see the visibly great things President Yoweri Museveni had done for Uganda since 1986. He ended by quoting a Runyankore saying; Entasiima eba sitaani (ingrates are devils). Bakashabarwamasha listed the number of FM stations in the country, the wonderful new buildings on Kampalas hills, the supermarkets, shops, mobile phone companies, availability of consumer goods and private schools as some of the things that Museveni had done for this country. He ended by saying that me and my kind were extremists blinded by hate and jealousy because we were failures who had been thrown out of the Movement. I know that there are many Ugandans, even senior people in the Forum for Democratic Change, who, like Bakashabarwamasha, often say that there is no denying that Museveni has done a lot for Uganda. This article is written to help them broaden their views on performance and therefore performance appraisal and evaluation. Any illiterate villager who employed someone to plant beans on an acre of land would evaluate performance according to input (cost), time spent and quality of the job. A worker who spends three months on the job, breaks three hoes, uses 10kg of beans and does a shoddy job would not get a pat on the back, particularly when his/her predecessor spent one month, used one hoe, five kilogrammes of beans and did a good job. During the first 23 years of Ugandas independence (1962-1985), Uganda borrowed a total of $1.8b from international lenders and by 1986 internal revenue collected was valued at about sh40b per annum. Using this revenue, Entebbe International Airport, Sheraton Hotel, Nile Hotel, International Conference Centre, Amber House, Bank of Uganda, Uganda House, well-facilitated hospitals in each of the 23 districts that formed Uganda then and Bugolobi and Kiira Road flats, were built. Uganda had an airline, railway and public bus service. If I was allowed more space, I could go on to enumerate the developments which took place during this period but this list serves to make my point, yet, at the end of each deposed Presidents reign, they all went to live in exile, on charity, as paupers. Compare the above with the 19 years of Musevenis reign during which Uganda has borrowed $3.8b and collects internal revenue valued at sh2,000b per annum. I want Bakashabarwamasha or any other person to list what is there to show for all this money. What easily comes to mind is that industries have been replaced by supermarkets, since all industries were sold and no one knows where the proceeds went. important infrastructure on which the economy of this country depended have either been dismantled or let to go to waste. I would not like someone to show me UPE and AIDS programmes because these are supported through grants, which do not come out of the $3.8b debt or the sh2,000b internally generated revenue. The FM stations, mobile phone companies, new buildings in Kampala and supermarkets are private investments which are not a result of the $3.8b debt. I want to see what Museveni has to show for $3.8b which he borrowed on my behalf, not what the private investors have done with their money. We are told that 7.3 million Ugandan children have enrolled for the UPE classes, yet only 436,000 sat for PLE in 2004, which means the dropout rate before P7 is over 50%. Moreso, only 59,000 students sat for O levels which implies a 700% dropout rate before S4. Is that what the Bakasharwamashas call performance? We are not Museveni-haters, we just love Uganda more and know how to watch our pennies. The writer is an envoy of the Forum for Democratic Change party Published on: Sunday, 6th March, 2005 Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] When ISO, ESO got their day in the sun
When ISO, ESO got their day in the sun By Timothy Kalyegira Mar 6 - 12, 2005 Over the course of the last three weeks writing a brief series on the history of Uganda's security services, several comments, interest by readers, and a number of questions resulted. Of all the surprises, the main one was on the record of the Special Branch, the intelligence arm of the Uganda Police Force. Most of the public had given up on the police because of the images of inefficiency, under-funding, and poor working and living conditions. NO SECURITY COMPROMISE: President Museveni. Beat security ring: Col. Besigye A few voices raised some concerns. A very senior intelligence officer pointed out that the third part of the series, which ran last Sunday, created the impression that the two civilian counterintelligence agencies Internal Security Organisation and External Security Organisation were created and as such exist primarily to serve the political ends of the NRM government, President Museveni, and the ruling political elite. That is not the case, said the intelligence officer who asked not to be named. The ISO and ESO, according to him, work for the overall security of Uganda and even if it falls under their assignment to protect the nation's President, to view this protection of President Museveni and the strengthening of his political power as their main duty, is unfair. Also, he maintained that ISO and ESO do far more strategic thinking and planning for Uganda's security than the third part gave them credit for. Since this officer's concerns, particularly given his very high position in the national intelligence apparatus, reflect those of the wider Ugandan intelligence community, it would only be proper to address them and other such queries in this appendage to the three-part series. Successes of ISO and ESO It cannot be said that ISO and ESO have achieved nothing all through their 19-year existence. If nothing else, their efforts have kept the NRM government in power longer than any other administration in Uganda's post-independence history. On the evening of January 16, 2001, most of the world was still confused about the gunfire that had been heard in the DR Congo's capital Kinshasa and the silence over President Laurent Kabila's whereabouts. Uganda's ESO along with French and Belgian intelligence were the first sources to definitively state that Kabila had, in fact, been assassinated. In July 2003, a South African stowaway named Patrick Fello Lithekol, who worked for the Gauteng News Directory, made his way past the Secret Service security net and onto the press aircraft accompanying President George W. Bush's Boeing 747-400 jet or Air Force One. He ended up at Entebbe International Airport with Bush from Pretoria in South Africa. It was the ISO agents who became suspicious of Lithekol and arrested him, later taking him for interrogation at the Entebbe Police Station. "In South Africa police spokesman Senior Superintendent Selby Bokaba said the security lapse was on the US side," reported the French news agency AFP on July 16, 2003, indicating that, in this instance, ISO had proven itself as competent as any security service in the western world. (It is well worth pointing out, though, that when Col. Kizza Besigye left Uganda in August 2001, he managed to elude Ugandan security. It was Tanzanian intelligence that informed Museveni that Besigye had slipped into Tanzania.) No doubt, there must be several more success stories by these two security services that we do not know about and if it is true (in the opinion of this highly placed intelligence official), that ISO and ESO are not such narrow-minded agencies as to confuse Museveni's interests with those of the country, then it is reassuring. However, we must trace the root of this very widely held impression that Uganda's intelligence agencies have historically been created to work for the immediate shielding of their appointing governments from coups, armed rebellion, and internal dissent. Why does a sense of unease, dread, and even outright revulsion come to mind whenever these present and past intelligence services are mentioned? It is largely because a negative impression among the general public was formed from concrete experience and observation. Let us pick up from an example that the President himself set in August 2003.That month, at a cost that State House put at $33,000, the presidential Gulfstream G-3 jet was used to fly to Germany Museveni's first-born daughter, Natasha Karugire, who herself was due to deliver her second-born child. In a letter to the Sunday Vision, President Museveni said: "When it comes to medical care for myself and my family, there is no compromise..." He added: "The issue is about security given some of the hostile doctors we have in the medical system here." The President argued that he faces constant assassination attempts and that he could not trust Ugandan doctors and other medical personnel to
[Ugnet] 180 NGOs in Tororo oppose amendment of presidential terms article
180 NGOs in Tororo oppose amendment of presidential terms articleBy Agness NandutuMar 8, 2005 PARLIAMENT - Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) operating in Tororo district have opposed the lifting of presidential term limits.The 181 NGOs under the umbrella of Tororo Civil Society Network (Tocinet) were yesterday presenting their views to the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee, which is mandated to collect views on the Constitutional Amendment Bill.Tocinets chairman, Mr Emmanuel Ofumbi, told the committee chaired by Mr Jacob Oulanyah (Omoro) that the repealing of 105(2) is not tenable saying Ugandas democracy is still fragile.Article 105(2) of the Constitution limits the President to only two five-year terms.The Constitutional Amendment Bill 2005 proposes the revision of the article to allow the President rule on the popular vote.Recognising our humble struggles against the forces of tyranny, oppression, exploitation and pronouncements of life presidency by our past leaders like Amin, we submit that presidential term limits in the constitution should remain, Ofumbi said.He warned Members of Parliament to amend the constitution with care and not to drag the country into trouble.Sustainability and stability of this country is a preserve of Ugandans and the Parliament now holds the key to the end. The temptations to derail you from this fact are grave and preparations should be made for questions from the next generation for having sailed with the temptation, he said.Some MPs accused Ofumbi of arrogance, but he said he was simply representing the people he leads.Last week, 90 NGOs under the Coalition for Constitutional Amendments, also opposed the lifting of presidential term limits. © 2005 The Monitor Publications. Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Bidandi responds to M7
Bidandi responds to M7 INTRIGUE POLITICS: Bidandi BIDANDI Ssali resigned as second vice-chairperson of the National Resistance movement Organisation late last year. In the letter below, he addresses issues President Yoweri Museveni raised in the letter in which he accepted the resignation The Chairman Interim Executive Committee National Resistance Movement Your Excellency, This is in reference to your response to my letter of resignation as second vice-chairman of the Interim Executive Committee of NRM. I am sorry I could not respond earlier because I was sick as you have been aware. For the record, however, I thought it was important for me to comment on some of your opinions which I believe are wrong. Ugandas problem On the claim that I am the leader of those who say that the main problem of Uganda is Museveni, Mr. Chairman, I find it strange; very strange indeed that I, Bidandi Ssali who spearheaded your presidential campaigns so committedly in 1996 and 2001, only two years later turns out to be the leader of those who say that the mainstream problem of Uganda is Museveni. I say you are wrong Mr. Chairman in holding this view. I am not your enemy in any way; nor have I been your opponent. I am simply a sincere colleague who has committed himself to the service of this country as you have and who has always given his views objectively in the interest of Uganda. What you call inhibitions is actually a simple caution from a sincere friend, given the fact that our contract with the people of Uganda as per your manifesto was that 2001-2006 would be your last term as president in accordance with our constitution which we painstakingly made hardly 10 years ago. I remember the only recorded reservation you expressed was on the provisions on land and the abolition of the name National Resistance Army. Foundation for movement ideas and principles Your Excellency, when we met at the International conference Centre and resolved to form the NRM, the intention was to create an institution which would house our collective ideas and principles for the governance and development of this country. It is the founding of this institution and at the same time VEHICLE to carry our embodiment from generation to generation, that is the issue I was addressing NOT the origin of those ideas and principles. After all I believe Mr. Chairman that every generation builds on the highest achievements of the previous one, the latter moulding and perfecting them to serve the new never-static environment as society evolves. A close scrutiny of the 10-point programme will reveal that over 70% of its content has its roots in the Uganda patriotic Movement manifesto drafted by a small committee of our colleagues, including late Mugenyi, the late Bakulumpagi and Rwakakooko. They, in turn, promised them on the aims and objectives of UNLF. When we are off the scene those coming after us may author 20 or 30-point programmes as may be dedicated by the political and economic environment. Look at the generation that evolved the Mutongole, Muluka, Gombolola, etcetera structure. I doubt whether anybody today can tag a name or names of those who originated the concept. Look at the generation that adopted that structure and renamed them sub-parishes, parishes and sub-counties. Recall the structure and operation of Mayumba 10 under the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere or during the UNLF and relate these to the RC turned LC structure of the Movement. They all seem to share the same unknown grandsires who existed before us and obviously before the NRM. The point I am making Mr. chairman is that the new document circulated at Kyankwanzi was a summation of what you and us your colleagues always discussed in different places for an including Cabinet, sub-committees, workshops, etcetera. You remember we had even come up with a 15-point programme amending the earlier 10-point programme. If you look closer again, much of what is contained in all those documents (our vision) is shared by sister countries like Tanzania, south Africa, Botswana, Kenya and others, where some are already ahead of us. With those realities, it is difficult for anyone or group to claim ownership of originality. insults To the claim that I am insulting you, Mr. Chairman, my family upbringing and political mentoring moulded me well in dealing with my elders or leaders. I never insult them and if that is what you discerned in my letter then I owe you an apology. However, that upbringing and political mentoring also inculcated in me a clear conscience whenever I have expressed my views or tendered my advice to you as my leader on matters where I feel you are going astray to our detriment, and to the detriment of the country. Certainly you may disagree with my views or refuse to heed my advice, but you will be totally wrong to label them insults. Funds the claim that when funds are not passed through me it becomes dishing out money, insinuations apart, Mr. Chairman the
[Ugnet] Museveni perfected art of playing victim
Museveni perfected art of playing victim By Anne Mugusha Mar 7, 2005 Many times I am asked the questions: Dont you get tired? Cant you see that it is impossible at this time to change anything? How wrong they are on both counts! To start with, how can you gzet tired of a cause in which you are passionately consumed? Its a very difficult sentiment to relate to someone who has never had the courage to pursue their passion but those who are doing what they love will understand how good it feels to be in the grasp of an overwhelming passion. There is never a dull moment in Ugandan politics. Take for example the latest campaign against the nascent FDC. Having failed to splinter the Party, NRM has changed tactics and their new mantra to dissuade people from joining FDC is Dont trust them: They are just like us! You have to be so low on humor not to be tickled by the twisted reasoning of this mantra. The NRM-O is actually implementing a campaign based on negatives, the locus being: Look, we are all failures and wouldnt you rather trust a failure that has more experience in failing than a new failure who will bungle up at failing and lead us to chaos! In case you missed it, the President put a seal of approval on the campaign somewhere in Eastern Uganda, when he declared that Mugisha Muntu, a retired General and Musevenis longest serving Army Commander, is a failure. He later echoed that not only Muntu but all the army officers who had abandoned the Movement for FDC were failures. And as expected the usual suspects jumped in to stoke the fires of the Presidents pronouncement. I would have continued laughing at the absurdity of the campaign without caring to rebut a word but then I know how gullible the public can be. It is almost incredible the manner in which Museveni plays on peoples minds with a duality and conflicting approach that makes him the victim and his opponents the perpetrators, the persecutors and the liars. For example, Musevenis abhors sectarianism when he is not the one propagating it. During the 2001 elections the opposition brought up the number of URA employees and scholarship recipients who were children of well heeled Ugandans originating from the Nyabushozi area. Within no time Musevenis campaign had counted the number of Bahima in URA and compiled a list of scholarship recipients whose relatives had aligned with the opposition. The oppositions message on lack of transparency in the policy of URA recruitment and scholarship allocation, was quickly lost in the accusations that the Bahima are being victimized and yet we are all the same. Unfortunately the Elect Kizza Besigye Campaign did not have the resources, the access or the time to disprove the statistics that Museveni had assembled but it does not take a rocket scientist to see that a certain ethnicity dominates Ugandas most coveted positions and that they have an overwhelming presence on the State House external scholarship list. And it will take a full compilation by an independent organization like Transparency International to convince Ugandans otherwise. The key characteristics needed to pull off the We Are All Failures campaign are audacity, arrogance and a propensity to tell lies without blinking, while spontaneously calling the other party the liar. Take for example the recent presidential speech at the internment of the remains of Shaban Nkutu. Without butting an eyelid the President says his government has never killed an opponent. To which the increasingly bold opposition leaders retort What about Andrew Kayira? Unfortunately for the opposition it is Museveni who still has the loudest microphone and the most prominent platform and so he points to where they are seated and call opposition leaders the liars. Once again he succeeds in twisting facts and playing victim to the failures who used to persecute opponents. When Senyondo pulled out a hammer to knock the Cotter Pin, the President went on radio and pleaded with the population to protect him from an opponent who wanted to hammer him. He was the victim once again! Never mind that by declaring himself Cotter Pin he invited a hammer to knock him out. He had to be the victim. And John Kazoora had better watch out because if there is any arson during this dry season he will be accused of trying to burn the President who has taken to wearing a garland of Kisanja. Because in the twisted jargon of the spin doctors Kazoora was not fighting the policy of clinging to power but he was instigating a crime. Perhaps the most disgraceful is the one about liberation and armed struggles. Museveni feels that he alone has the right to resort to violence and this is the most sensitive because it is perhaps the one that Museveni most believes. In his 2001 manifesto and in almost every major speech that he has given over the last three decades, Museveni boasts of the number of Ugandans killed in the name of democracy and security. Never mind that
[Ugnet] Bidandi slams kisanja group
Bidandi slams kisanja group FORMER MINISTER: Bidandi --Letter to Museveni says NRM is derailed By Milton Olupot and Macrines Nyapendi FORMER minister Jaberi Bidandi Ssali has written to President Yoweri Museveni, charging that his lieutenants and the kisanja (third term) crusaders were manipulating and blackmailing the population, to make sure presidential term limits are scrapped from the Constitution. Bidandi, a former 2nd Vice-Chairman on the Interim Executive Committee of the NRM, was in a March 2 letter responding to the Presidents letter of November 6, which accused him of propagating falsehoods and insulting the President. Museveni, in an acceptance letter to Bidandis resignation as the 2nd Vice-Chairman, said Bidandi was vehement in his stand that the Constitution must be arranged in such a way that he would never again provide top leadership. Mr. Chairman, you are imputing wrong motives on my part. I am not the one talking of rearranging the Constitution. It is your lieutenants and kisanja crusaders. They are manipulating the population, prophesying doom if Museveni does not come back in 2006, with claims like there is nobody who can take over from Museveni, he said. It is unfortunate that the 3rd term saga has derailed the healthy formation of the NRM to such an extent that support for kisanja, determines support for the organisation. Every Ugandan opposed to kisanja, support for Museveni, is automatically branded anti-NRM by many of those mobilising for the party, he added in a six-page letter reportedly delivered yesterday. Bidandi said, It is amazing the way we leaders have become so insensitive and therefore unreactive to many of our actions. He cited the impunity and arrogance with which Maj. Kakooza Mutale trained the Youth Brigade, including military training. He also cited the sh5m paid to Movement MPs for mobilisation. He said the use of money and promise of more had been justified and glorified. Bidandi said the omnibus Constitutional Amendment Bill was sheer arrogance and impunity on the part of government. In this bill, opening up political space and removing term limits, Government has ordained that no Ugandan must say No to one and Yes to the other, he said. He cited high profile corruption cases, which have been shelved by dealing with them administratively. Mr. Chairman, any organisation founded around an individual is bound in misery. It is sad to watch cadres premising recruitment on financial promises and lures under the guise of fighting poverty, he said. He said his plea was that the Movement leadership would not be so vehement on rearranging the Constitution in order for Museveni to stand again. Even at this late stage of our transition, I still believe that you hold the key to a peaceful transition and future stability of our country. This will not be by you providing top leadership, that is by being president, but by honouring your promise in our Manifesto and the provisions of the Constitution you promulgated only ten years ago, he said. Bidandi refuted claims by the President that he was the leader of those saying the main problem of Uganda was Museveni. I find it strange that Bidandi Ssali, who spearheaded your campaigns so committedly in 1996 and 2001, two years later turns out to be the leader of those who say the main problem of Uganda is Museveni, he said. Ends Published on: Saturday, 5th March, 2005 Gook Don't just search. Find. MSN Search Check out the new MSN Search! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Mamenero murder: Govt takes blame
Kabonero, Clear headed leadership? Fundamental change? Or No change kisajja? gook Mamenero murder: Govt takes blame By Richard M. KavumaWEEKLY OBSERVER After two years of courtroom tears, government has finally accepted responsibility for the murder of Owomugisha Patrick Mamenero.But last weeks admission by state attorney Claire Olaki brought more anger than relief to the Mamenero family, especially Patricks father Denis Mamenero and sister Peace Nshemereirwe. Owomugisha Patrick Mamenero The Attorney General is also prepared to apologise to the family of the deceased, Olaki told the Uganda Human Rights Commission tribunal chaired by Mariam Wangadya. Unfortunately, Mameneros killer cannot be prosecuted because he passed away. The Mameneros reject Olakis claim that the killer CMI soldier, Corporal Obiga Mudasiru, died. Neither was the family happy that government finally admitted liability. There can be no happiness; but what can we do? We cannot bring back a dead person, Nshemereirwe said the next day, her voice breaking over the phone. And in her mind, Mudasiru remains a fugitive.That is a scapegoat! she fumed at the death claim. That man must be alive. How come he suddenly fell ill and died? Justice and compensation were major demands of her petition. CMI says Mudasiru was court-martialled three months after the murder but was granted bail because he was very ill. The family doubts this, given that the trial was not public and the CMI gave contradicting reports on Patricks death.We wanted the killers to be brought to justice, Nshemereirwe said. And this man could not have killed on his own. He must have had orders from above. Denis Mamenero last saw Patrick at the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) on Yusuf Lule Road, where the younger man was killed around July 23, 2002. Ten months later, bailed out of jail, he saw his sons grave at Karujanga, Kabale district. Nshemereirwe filed the petition in August 2002, seeking compensation, prosecution of her brothers murderer(s), and a public apology from government. The two Mameneros were arrested from Karujanga on July 20, 2002, seven days before Patricks 25th birthday. He was childless, dating a girl he hoped to marry one day. According to Nshemereirwe, whose tears punctuated the tribunal hearings, CMI chief Col. Noble Mayombo told the family that Patrick was collaborating with [colonels Samson] Mande and [Anthony] Kyakabale. He also accused the older Mamenero of taking rebel recruits to Rwanda.As the younger man descended his grave in the hills of Kabale, Denis ascended the Buganda Road Court dock on treason charges. Government accuses Sweden-based renegade colonels Mande and Kyakabale of fighting it through the Peoples Redemption Army (PRA), which is allegedly funded by Rwanda. If Mayombo was quoted accurately, it means they have also had links with Joseph Konys Lords Resistance Army in northern Uganda. But these are charges the family has always dismissed with contempt. Why did Patrick die? Nshemereirwes suspicions were supported by testimonies during the hearing. Mayombo is reported to have told Nshemereirwe that Patrick got possessed by evil spirits and was found dead in his cell. Moments later, he reportedly said Patrick had possibly died of malaria on the way to hospital. Do not suspect any wrongdoing on our part. Patrick was very co-operative in giving us information. There would have been no cause to harm him, witness Fred Kumbategire, 59, quoted Mayombo as having said. At Mameneros burial on July 26, Mayombo sent a statement through Kabale RDC James Mwesigye, explaining that enemies of government entered CMI and killed Mamenero. But, as the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative noted, CMI is very tightly guarded. This contradiction was resolved in a letter Mayombo reportedly wrote to Human Rights Watch. By enemies of government, the colonel meant those who behaved contrary to the rule of law. The post-mortem report by Mulago Hospital pathologist Dr. Henry Wabinga suggested Patrick was hit with a blunt object.During the hearing, state attorneys pleaded that Patrick hit the guarding soldier as he tried to escape and the soldier hit him in self-defence. Curiously, the co-operative Patrick was the same who tried to escape by hitting a soldier. Mzee Mamenero testified that during interrogation at CMI, he angered one Captain Makanga when he said he had not seen Mande in three years. He stared at me with a lot of anger he stared at me for about 10 minutes. He dropped his pen on the floor. Three days later, he heard that a certain Mukiga had died but he did not imagine it was his son. If 60 year-old Denis is indeed innocent, then Patrick also angered the interrogators by distancing himself from Mande. And being 25, he may have got more than a 10-minute stare. A lawyer conversant with the case says the killing may not have been intended. It is possible they were trying to extract
[Ugnet] (no subject)
Mr. Kabonero, When will you clear headed chaps stop this politics of force, bribery, deciet and learn the art of political persuation? In Luwero you killed people to make their surviving offsprings join your rebel ranks. 20 years after Luwero and you are still at it? It seems like you can take some thugs out of Luwero but you can never take the Luwero out of them! Shame! gook Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] (no subject)
Mr. Kabonero, When will you clear headed chaps stop this politics of force, bribery, deciet and learn the art of political persuation? In Luwero you killed people to make their surviving offsprings join your rebel ranks. 20 years after Luwero and you are still at it? It seems like you can take some thugs out of Luwero but you can never take the Luwero out of them! Shame! gook Gook Don't just search. Find. MSN Search Check out the new MSN Search! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] (no subject)
Mr. Kabonero, When will you clear headed chaps stop this politics of force, bribery, deciet and learn the art of political persuation? In Luwero you killed people to make their surviving offsprings join your rebel ranks. 20 years after Luwero and you are still at it? It seems like you can take some thugs out of Luwero but you can never take the Luwero out of them! Shame! gook Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] I am still in UPC Malinga- Kabonero is this you?
From New Vision, March 03, 2005 I am still in UPC Malinga By Felix Osike and Jude Etyang BUTEBO MP Dr. Stephen Malinga has said he has not crossed to the Movement because some issues have not been resolved. Malinga, who heads the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) parliamentary caucus, told The New Vision yesterday that he was under pressure from his constituency to cross to the Movement so that the area can be granted a district status. What I said was that if the President gave us district status, I would leave UPC and join him and encourage my people to work with him. My crossing is still under discussion because there are some little issues we are to iron out, he said. On where he belonged currently, Malinga said, I am between UPC and the Movement. Malinga said during President Musevenis visit to the area on Monday, he was forced by the Movement women activists to don the kisanja (dry banana leaves), which symbolises support for a third term in office for the President. I couldnt resist in front of the President because it would have been very bad, Malinga said. Malinga said his constituents wanted Butebo and Pallisa counties to be merged into a district because they had been marginalised for a long time. He said when the district status issue was raised, the President said it was minor. Party officials, however, said Malinga was still their member. The party presidential policy commission chief, James Rwanyarare, said Malinga phoned him, saying he had not crossed to the Movement. A State House statement on Monday said Malinga had crossed to the movement amid ululation from Movement supporters. Rwanyarare, however, doubted that Malinga was forcefully adorned with a Movement T-shirt, Cap and kisanja. If they adorn you and you do not want, you refuse. Malinga should have refused, he said. He added that Malinga, being a professional gynaecologist, probably did not want to disappoint the women who adorned him with kisanja. Published on: Thursday, 3rd March, 2005 Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Kabonero and his pack of lies---I am still in UPC Malinga
Mr. Kabonero, When will you clear headed chaps stop this politics of force, bribery, deciet and learn the art of political persuation? In Luwero you killed people to make their surviving offsprings join your rebel ranks. 20 years after Luwero and you are still at it? It seems like you can take some thugs out of Luwero but you can never take the Luwero out of them! Shame! gook From New Vision, March 03, 2005 I am still in UPC Malinga By Felix Osike and Jude Etyang BUTEBO MP Dr. Stephen Malinga has said he has not crossed to the Movement because some issues have not been resolved. Malinga, who heads the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) parliamentary caucus, told The New Vision yesterday that he was under pressure from his constituency to cross to the Movement so that the area can be granted a district status. What I said was that if the President gave us district status, I would leave UPC and join him and encourage my people to work with him. My crossing is still under discussion because there are some little issues we are to iron out, he said. On where he belonged currently, Malinga said, I am between UPC and the Movement. Malinga said during President Musevenis visit to the area on Monday, he was forced by the Movement women activists to don the kisanja (dry banana leaves), which symbolises support for a third term in office for the President. I couldnt resist in front of the President because it would have been very bad, Malinga said. Malinga said his constituents wanted Butebo and Pallisa counties to be merged into a district because they had been marginalised for a long time. He said when the district status issue was raised, the President said it was minor. Party officials, however, said Malinga was still their member. The party presidential policy commission chief, James Rwanyarare, said Malinga phoned him, saying he had not crossed to the Movement. A State House statement on Monday said Malinga had crossed to the movement amid ululation from Movement supporters. Rwanyarare, however, doubted that Malinga was forcefully adorned with a Movement T-shirt, Cap and kisanja. If they adorn you and you do not want, you refuse. Malinga should have refused, he said. He added that Malinga, being a professional gynaecologist, probably did not want to disappoint the women who adorned him with kisanja. Published on: Thursday, 3rd March, 2005 Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! Mr. Kabonero, When will you clear headed chaps stop this politics of force, bribery, deciet and learn the art of political persuation? In Luwero you killed people to make their surviving offsprings join your rebel ranks. 20 years after Luwero and you are still at it? It seems like you can take some thugs out of Luwero but you can never take the Luwero out of them! Shame! gook Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Museveni in fresh dairy controversy
Museveni in fresh dairy controversyBy Alex B. AtuhaireMar 4, 2005 KAMPALA - President Yoweri Museveni has directed the Ministry of Finance to advance Shs2.3 billion to GBK Dairy Products, to bail the local company out of financial crisis.The President has directed the ministry to give the ailing dairy company an additional Shs1.6 billion interest-free loan, payable in five years following a two-year grace period.In a February 7 letter to Dr Ezra Suruma, the Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, Museveni said the money advanced to GBK should be drawn from the School Milk Programme vote.Museveni directed the ministry to consider GBK as one of the local milk processors to supply milk under the programme to enable the company generate adequate funds for its operations.GBK is now faced with financial problems due to high interest rates on loans they had earlier taken on to manage this factory, the President wrote.Given the significance of the company to supplement the School Milk Programme, the Government has decided to use the funds approved under the programme to offer an advance of Shs2,323,485,550 to the above company, he wrote.GBK is owned by Mbarara based-businessman, Mr Godfrey Kacuma.The companys operations have been hampered by serious financial problems in recent years. According to Musevenis letter, the advance would help the company to sustain working capital in three areas, namely the supply of milk under the School Milk Programme (Shs715,985,000), the supply for other local and external markets (Shs700,000,000), and purchase of a new packing machine, milk cans, collection and delivery trucks (Shs907,500,500).The working capital fund amounting to Shs715,985,000 is to be a revolving facility to be advanced to the company to enable them prepare for the supply of milk under the programme, Museveni wrote.The President said the government would slowly recover the money as the investor sells his processed milk.Musevenis directive is silent about GBKs overall financial position and business viability.The directive is set to raise fresh controversy in Parliament, which recently halted another presidential directive to lease Dairy Corporation to a Thai company, Malee Sampran Plc, for one dollar.Mr Jack Sabiiti, the Vice Chairperson of PAC, said Musevenis directive contravenes the Constitution.We are aware that he has done it many times. By directing either Ministry of Finance or Bank of Uganda to lend money to some businessmen in town, the President should know that he is breaking the law, Sabiiti told The Monitor by telephone.Sabiiti, also Rukiga County MP, cited Article 159 of the constitution, which provides that The government shall not borrow or raise a loan on behalf of itself or any other public institution, authority or person except as authorised or under an Act of Parliament.Sabiiti called upon the finance minister to table all the Presidents recent directives before Parliament so that MPs can determine the way forward.Suruma yesterday said his ministry had not yet effected the Presidents order. On the legality of the Presidents directive, Suruma referred The Monitor to the Attorney General.This is not the first time the President is directing that a local businessman be bailed out of financial problems.Last year, Bank of Uganda had to intervene to relieve city businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba of a Shs21 billion debt after his string of businesses run into trouble. The BoU Board of Directors had initially resisted the Presidents orders saying the move would set a bad precedent for the economy, as government cannot lend to an individual.The International Monetary Fund said in a recent report on Ugandas economy that government lending and guarantees to the private sector were troubling.The IMF cited Basajjabalabas bail out and the grant to Apparels Tri-Star, the company manufacturing garments under the Africa Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA). The IMF said that non-transparent government support to certain companies reinforces perceptions of corruption. Asked about the IMFs concerns, Suruma said yesterday, We shall do what is in the best interest of the country. © 2005 The Monitor Publications. Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
RE: [Ugnet] Kiboga meat price falls to sh300- Kabonero need some meat?
Paul, People have no money to buy meat as cheap as 100 shillings? This is 20 years after the politics of kisanja? So who has been getting rich on the peoples skulls? Abayombo and his clan members from Rwakitura? Eh? Kabonero Do something about this abject poverty killing our people and our cows first before you ask me to join movenment which , by the way, all Ugandans belong by force of arms since Luwero days! Gook Original Message Follows From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: ugandanet@kym.net To: ugandanet@kym.net Subject: [Ugnet] Kiboga meat price falls to sh300 Date: Wed, 02 Mar 2005 21:54:07 +0200 (SAST) Shoulden't we be spending some money on such instead of buying Kisanja and educating Kazibwe's family at 2 Billion shilling!! By Moses Nsubuga BEEF prices in Kibogas Kyankwanzi, Kapeke and Nsambya sub-counties have fallen to sh300 from sh2,200 a kilo due to the severe drought. The district veterinary officer and extension coordinator, Dr John Atikoro, said recently during a press briefing that the animals have been feeding on dry grass for over two months. Kyankwanzi residents said a cow, which used to cost sh400,000 goes for sh10,000 now. Atikoro said about 50 cattle die daily and 3,000 cattle have died so far. There is no where to sell the meat because people have no money, he said. A resident said they had complained to the district authorities about the severe drought, but no solution has been found. \\\"Always be a first rate version of yourself instead of a second rate version of someone else.\" Njoki Paul University of Pretoria ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/ FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Ministers front for Dairy Corp investor
This is partly why the people of Kibonga cannot aford meat at 300 shillings while the kaboneros sing EKINSANJA! gook Ministers front for Dairy Corp investor By Alex B. Atuhaire Hussein BogereMar 3, 2005 KAMPALA - Two cabinet ministers are behind an unregistered local company that was set to take over Dairy Corporation on behalf of Malee Sampran Plc, the Thai investor that President Yoweri Museveni selected to lease the state-owned corporation at a dollar. Malee Sampran is fronting a local company, Pan African Foods Limited, to take over the Dairy Corporation lease. However, the lease agreement, which was supposed to be signed by February, hit a snag after The Monitor published a story about the deal. The Monitor has reliably learnt that the two ministers behind Pan African Foods are very close to State House. One holds a senior Cabinet position, while the other is a junior minister. The two ministers are in a joint venture with Malee Sampran together with a senior Kampala advocate. Sources closely associated with the process said Pan African Foods Limited could not sign the lease agreement because it needed to register first. However, the two ministers and the advocate are reportedly afraid to register the company because of the controversy surrounding the lease. Registering the company would expose the trio. According to a draft lease agreement, a copy of which The Monitor has seen, the local Ugandan company has no address and directors. A search at the registrar of companies showed there were only two companies with close names East African Basic Foods Limited and African Basic Foods (U) Limited. President Museveni says he offered Dairy Corporation to Malee for a three-year lease market testing period hoping that after the lease runs out, the Thais would invest in a new multi-million dollar dairy and fruit-processing factory. Malee is mainly active in the fruit-processing sector in Thailand. But sources familiar with the lease process have told The Monitor that Malee, which is in a weak financial state back at home, is being used as a smoke screen for Pan African Foods Ltd. Ask yourself why the government is ready to sign an agreement with a company that doesnt exist. There are more questions than answers, a source close to negotiations said this week. One of the ministers behind Pan African Foods is said to have been instrumental in the behind the scenes moves to let the deal through. The minister and his group hope to benefit from the profits of the primary schools milk programme to be funded by the World Food Programme. The schools milk programme is entrenched in the lease agreement. Clause C reads: (The Government of Uganda) desires to promote and develop its school milk programme partly through the utilisation of DCLs production capacity. Clause D adds: GOU in a bid to improve the performance of Dairy Corporation Limited has decided to contract an efficient and experienced company to lease and manage Dairy Corporation Limiteds assets so as to meet the demand for milk for the schools milk programme. Parliament, which last week halted the controversial deal, also questioned the authenticity of Pan African Foods Ltd. The Finance Committee chaired by Maj. Bright Rwamirama tasked the Minister in Charge of Privatisation, Prof. Peter Kasenene to explain the relationship between Malee and Pan African Foods. Kasenene, who has twice failed to provide an acceptable report to Parliament on the matter, was not available for comment yesterday. The minister is out of the country.Musevenis intervention in the privatisation of Dairy Corporation has come under heavy criticism with several sections of society questioning the Presidents support for Malee. The decision to lease out Dairy Corporation to Malee has been contested vigorously by MPs, who say the handpicking of Malee lacked transparency because a competitive bid process for the privatisation of the corporation was halted midway. The Privatisation Unit had in December last year, pre-qualified four groups of companies - mostly in consortium - to bid for Dairy Corporation. These included Dairybord and Renaissance Merchant Bank, both of Zimbabwe; Spinknit Ltd and Spinknit Dairy, both of Kenya; and a consortium of Brookside Dairy Ltd of Kenya, FI Holding Company of Libya, Clover Holdings Ltd of South Africa and Carnations Ltd of Uganda. The companies were supposed to review Dairy Corporations accounts and assets in August and submit financial bids soon after. Its at this stage that the President called a halt to the process and soon after, Malees Chairman, Mr Chatchai Boonyarat appeared in the country.Sources told The Monitor that when asked for a financial plan, Mr Boonyarat said he had been promised a job by the President. The Monitor reported last week that the Thai companys capability to meet its obligations to the Uganda government is highly doubtful. Malees financials reveal that it is in no position to make a
RE: [Ugnet] Test
chief we hear u loud and clear Gook Original Message Follows From: "Mitayo Potosi" [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: ugandanet@kym.net To: ugandanet@kym.net Subject: [Ugnet] Test Date: Sat, 26 Feb 2005 20:15:38 + ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/ Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Intelligence services under Obote II had mixed results
Intelligence services under Obote II had mixed results By Timothy KalyegiraFeb 20 - 26, 2005 In the first part of these series on the history of Uganda's intelligence services, last Sunday, Timothy Kalyegira traced espionage back to Bunyoro's King Kabalega in the 1800s right up to the State Research Bureau under Lt. Col. Farouk Minawa in the 1970s. In this second part of the series, we start with 1980 and the return of Dr Milton Obote to the Ugandan presidency. Due to public demand, the series, initially meant to run in two parts, will now continue next Sunday: - The National Security Services, 1979-80After the State Research Bureau was disbanded in April 1979, the new Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government, headed by Prof. Yusuf Lule created the National Security Services (NSS) directed by Mr James Nasimolo. Following the removal of President Lule in June 1979 and the installation of Mr Godfrey Lukongwa Binaisa, there grew the impression that a plan was afoot to return former President Milton Obote to Uganda in some prominent way, if not eventually as President. Many opposed that idea.On June 26, 1979, Dr Jack Barlow of Mulago hospital, Uganda's largest referral hospital, was shot dead by unknown assailants. A pattern of mysterious nightly shootings of prominent civil servants and doctors followed. Someone clearly was trying to create the impression of a nation that was ungovernable and insecure.It later emerged that different factions of the UNLF/A were behind these political killings. At some stage, pro-Lule Baganda groups were said to be behind the killings. But other observers pointed an accusing finger at Obote's supporters. Like Obote and Amin before him, President Binaisa's natural instinct was to use the security service network as insurance for his power. During a trip to Kenya on the pretext of meeting Pope John Paul II, Binaisa arranged to buy electronic surveillance equipment from President Daniel arap Moi's government. However, it could be asked: if this pattern of targeting innocent prominent civil servants was common in 1979 after Amin was gone, was it not likely that the same people who carried out these acts did so during the Amin era in order to cynically and black-heartedly cause world opinion to pin the blame and discredit Amin or now Binaisa? Uganda was also faced with another security threat. In 1979, Lule and the army chief of staff, then Lt. Col. David Oyite-Ojok, had complained that some actions by Minister of State for Defence Yoweri Museveni were not adding up. Mr Museveni had fought the 1978-79 Tanzania-Uganda war at the head of a 9,000-man force named the Front for National Salvation (Fronasa), while Oyite-Ojok had headed Kikosi Maalum (Special force or brigade in Kiswahili), the bigger fighting group strongly allied with Obote. These two major forces, it was understood, would form the bulk of the new Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA).And yet when the fighting forces came to Kampala and the UNLA became the new national army, most of the 9,000 Fronasa men had disappeared into thin air. The UNLA continued, as at independence, to look like an army of Acholi and Langi tribesmen. It did not have many faces of, say, Banyankole and Banyarwanda soldiers, most of who were in Fronasa. What angered Lule and Oyite-Ojok more was that as minister of state for defence, Museveni was in charge of the purchase of uniforms and equipment for the new army and seemed to be siphoning off state resources to his Fronasa men. Although Mr Amon Bazira as NSS' director made an astoundingly accurate forecast of the Rwanda genocide in 1994 and the turmoil into which the Great Lakes region would be thrown into in 1998 if the continued exile of the Tutsi in Uganda were not resolved, the NSS failed to identify the source of the rising political violence and also to trace the whereabouts of the Fronasa soldiers. The 1980 electionsObote returned to Uganda for the first time in more than nine years on May 27, 1980, landing in a Tanzanian military plane in Bushenyi to one of the most frenzied crowds ever witnessed in Uganda since the return in April 1971 from London of the remains of Kabaka Freddie Walugembe Mutesa the former ceremonial Head of State.Obote's powerful voice and the simple, rhetorical refrains in his speech that day were an unforgettable experience.Four days later, on May 31, 1980 a huge crowd gathered at the City Square (now Constitution Square) in Kampala to hear the Democratic Party candidate Dr Paul Ssemogerere launch his party's election campaign. On June 4, three parties; the Makerere University-based Uganda Nationalist Movement, the Uganda Labour Party and Fronasa merged to form a new party the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM). The UPM's interim chairman and candidate was Yoweri Museveni. Mr Jehoash Mayanja-Nkangi was the candidate of the Conservative Party, a monarchist and federally inclined group. The size of crowds that followed the UPC and DP clearly pointed
[Ugnet] Suruma calls for radical economic shift-- back to backward days?
It would as though this "wise and clear lined leadership" is back to those "backward policies" of the backward regimes of Obote? 20 years later and millions killed in luwero and the great lakes only to realise that those backward chaps may have been doing something worthwhile after all? What more shall he jettson off? I wonder? gook Suruma calls for radical economic shift TOUGH: Dr. Suruma The policy paper appears to propose a return to a more interventionist model of macro-economic management. The paper is under discussion at a high level. However, for the new proposals to be effectively implemented, the Government would need to jettison the Three Year Budget Plan passed by Parliament last year. Suruma said existing economic policy needed revisiting. The laissez faire model is based on the belief that the Government should limit itself to ensuring a stable economic framework and public goods such as feeder roads, while leaving the peasants to fend for themselves by reacting to market incentives. By and large this is the model that we have been following and the productivity figures remain at the bottom of the world scale, he writes. Suruma is supportive of private outgrowers schemes but wants the next Budget to focus primarily on kick-starting the agricultural sector by revitalising the cooperative sector. He said, In order to reach the vast number of households today, the cooperative model is the correct approach. He proposed a major government drive in the next financial year to support cooperatives. He wants a farmers cooperative society formed at every sub-county and later at every parish; micro-finance institutions at every sub-country to finance inputs and seeds for these cooperatives; business training for them and construction by government of cooperative stories in all sub-counties. The paper states that the ministries of agriculture and finance have been asked to calculate the cost of assistance to the Cooperative Movement. Suruma also argues that it is necessary to provide broader macro-economic support to cooperatives by ensuring that they have markets and a fair price for their produce. The paper says the government should ensure a stable market for farmers but does not specify how. A market must exist or be created to absorb the extra produce. It is also essential that prices do not collapse leaving them either the same or worse off, he said. In consultation with relevant line ministries, we will be estimating the minimum breakeven prices for each crop for farmers to cover their cost of production and assessing policy implications, he said. Suruma indicates that transformation of agriculture will be his initial focus but he also proposes to tackle industrial and public sector development. Government will provide funding for research, development and pilot plants in key industrial sectors while the infrastructure needs to be developed, especially in the energy sector where Bujagali and Karuma dams need to be built. Ugandans will be asked to supplement both equity and debt financing towards these key infrastructures, he states. He also recommends that more competition should be introduced to the communication sector to reduce the cost of data transmission. Suruma also proposedstrategies for maintaining price stability. He says that efforts will be made to rationalise use of foreign exchange as well as promoting a favourable exchange rate. He says that the Bank of Uganda will be encouraged to work towards an exchange rate that is consistent with maximization of exports of Uganda. It is not clear whether this means a higher or lower exchange rate than presently. Government will also seek to reduce High interest rates (that) continue to stifle investment in Uganda and to render Ugandan products less competitive. This will be achieved partly by promoting competition in the financial sector, channeling local borrowing and foreign aid into productive priorities, and limiting government borrowing to productive areas. Suruma also proposed government investment in the services sector to provide additional employment opportunities and also provide a market fort the expanded production of agriculture and industry. To do this, government will organise construction projects in slum areas, sewage systems in mushrooming trade centres and increased tourism infrastructure. Ends Published on: Friday, 18th February, 2005 Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Ekisanja will sail through
Ekisanja will sail through OPINION: F.D.R. Gureme The 2001 elections were rigged; going by the unanimous view of judges, disallowing by three to two, Kizza Besigyes petition against [President] Musevenis declared victory. During the first popular elections in 1996, the eerie manoeuvre of displaying Luwero skulls to undermine Dr. Paul Ssemogerere for allying with Apollo Milton Obote, who was said to be responsible for all those deaths, were loudly chorused. The world and Ugandans, happily honeymooning with the liberators, and viewing these ghastly bones, forgot that it took two to fight, and that Obotes side could not alone have been responsible for the gruesome spectacle. Yet the NRA discharged the first bullet at Kabamba. Thus, Obote (read Paul Muwanga) had to order UNLA soldiers to the conventional self-defence mission of Ugandas de facto government against the rebels. It is reasonable to assume that during the six years of combat, there were deaths in both camps, plus crossfire civilian casualties. Indeed, it was hyped that through superior training and discipline, the NRA generally out-shot the UNLA, (finally winning): implying more UNLA dead than NRA, and thus more UNLA skulls. There was also the suggestion that the NRA shot civilians at night and blamed this on UNLA. This allegation against the popular liberators who restored sleep (in more ways than one), before the advent of safe houses and illegal security units like Maj. Kakooza Mutales Kalangala Action Plan, was, at that time, preposterous. Even now, it is widely accepted that the NRA was averse to murder. However, with the fatuously ruthless pursuit of the ekisanja, including the arrest, torture and deaths of opposition operatives, charged with the increasingly dubious crime of treason, it certainly no longer sounds farfetched. What was outrageously farfetched though, was collecting UNLA and NRM remains, adding them to the civilian crossfire victims, and piling all the bones at Obotes doorstep. It certainly is debatable who chalked up more skulls on the scoreboard. The most charitable assessment of NRMs liability is to say that both sides were at war. Watch! The timing of the currently frantic bustle of disentombing and re-interring the patriotic dead, including President Musevenis presence at UPCs Shaban Nkutus reburial, in the wake of his compassionate tour of Busoga, reeks of ekisanja promotion politics, and may hurt the wounds of some relatives. The stratagem of numbers As Museveni approached Kampala, we gave him and his liberators a sincerely rousing welcome, naturally, excepting the vanquished northerners. We learnt that the liberated parts elected their own chiefs! The network was from the village council (RC1), through RC2 or parish council, RC3 or sub-county council followed by RC4, the now non-functional county council; and finally the very powerful RC5 district council. Few realised then that this was Musevenis initial application of the tool of numbers to win future elections. I soon equated them to soviets and resigned my RC1 chair.With speeches spiced by Marxist slogans, we were told that this was a fundamental change, not a mere change of guard. Presently, three legal notices were issued. One legalised the NRM government, exonerating it from liability for wrongs of previous governments. This having been successfully challenged, there was a second one to correct the first. Finally, there was that which expanded the provisional government (NRC) and provided for longolongo elections. The NRC, having extended its (and hence Musevenis) tenure by five years when the NRM was still very popular, especially with the broad-based government; the next delaying ruse was the making of a peoples constitution, inaugurated in 1995. Traditionally, constituencies were based on just over 100 counties. Apart from hard-core partyists, practically all would stand on an NRM ticket. Today, Parliament comprises representatives of 169 counties, some large ones having been split up in pursuit of numbers. Constituencies, including municipalities and Kampala divisions, number 214. Thus, affirmative action of affording women, who greatly outnumber men, favourable voting status, is a ruse to lure them to vote NRM. I see no justification for special representation for the youths and disabled, as they may adequately be represented by their MPs. Representation of UPDF is an outrage! Some of us, including constitutional experts, opposed aspirants to the next Parliament sitting in the Constituent Assembly. This was ignored because NRM needed overwhelming numbers, which they achieved, and which have extended to subsequent parliaments. These majorities will ensure that ekisanja succeeds; that Museveni wins even at grassroots where, for 19 years, no politics was abided apart from Chairman Musevenis thoughts. Ekisanja victorious! Counting from LC3s, town councils and municipal divisions numbering more than 950; LC2s comprising
[Ugnet] Did Mu7 kirru Kayira?
Publish Kayira murder report While at the burial of the late Shaban Nkutu, President Yoweri Museveni attacked UPC members, accusing them of having killed their opponents. He dared them to mention any opponent of his he has ever killed and they all chorused the late Dr Andrew Lutakome Kayira's name, among others. Therefore it is upon the President to make public the findings of the Scotland Yard investigations so that his government is not counted among those that eliminated their oppponents. It must have certainly been embarassing for the president to call his bluff; what others may call threatening, blustering remarks that terribly backfired. David LwanyagaKampala The Monitor, Letters: Feb 17, 2005 Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] M7 a Looter!
Some once called this M7 a sick thug and i thought he was joking. Now here this man is caught stealing and he brings in irelevancies like Obote etc. This man is a looter 3.1.1! Read and shake your head at this day light looting! gook Uganda must give incentives to investors, says Museveni By Monitor Reporter Feb 16, 2005 President Yoweri Museveni has said Ugandans should be ready to offer extraordinary incentives to international investors if it is to develop and create wealth for its poorest citizens because the country is a fairly unknown and low ranking destination for foreign direct investment. Museveni was speaking for the second time in two days to The Monitor's Managing Director, Mr Conrad Nkutu in defence of his decision to lease the state-owned Dairy Corporation to a Thai company, Malee Sampran Public Company Ltd for a 3-year period at the nominal fee of only one US Dollar. The Monitor yesterday published Museveni's explanation, the thrust of which was that he offered the Dairy Corporation to Malee, who are a major player in Thailand's agro-processing sector, as an incentive to them to acquire interest in the Ugandan market. Following The Monitor's publication of the President's request yesterday, a dozen MPs criticized Museveni's decision. With the exception of MP Bright Rwamirama (Chair of the Parliamentary Finance Committee) who said he would invite Privatisation Minister Peter Kasenene to explain the deal, all the MPs spoken to poured criticism on the deal in respect of its implications for the Dairy Corporation. PROVIDE INCENTIVES: President Museveni However none of them extended their analysis of Museveni's decision to the macro-economic stimulus objective of getting Malee to set up a milk and fruit processing plant in Mbarara. The Monitor put various questions concerning the transaction to President Museveni, excerpts of which are detailed below. Question: Your explanation of the future strategic benefits for fruit farmers (arising from the expected investment by Malee in the fruit processing plant) is understood but why can't they pay a market rate for the lease of Dairy Corporation during the 3-year "market testing period?" Answer: Uganda is a fairly unknown and comparatively unattractive investment destination. The critics should understand that we are leasing the Dairy Corporation for a nominal fee to incentivise this Thai investor to come and give us the benefit of that larger factory which will stimulate farming of fruits in Busoga and parts of Buganda and Kigezi, in addition to the dairy benefits. In future, if the Dairy Corporation picks up, he can pay a market rate for it. But let us get exports and get employment. Question: But why must this investor lease the Dairy Corporation to get market confidence to set up his plant? Museveni is in beef ranching. Did you first lease a government farm? Why doesn't the Thai investor do a feasibility study, take an entrepreneurial risk and set up the Mbarara factory? Answer: This is a foreigner who might not even have heard of Uganda until I went there and persuaded him to come. They could not simply plunge in. They were cautious about the market and that is why they gave us the recommendation on school milk feeding. They are testing the seriousness of the government. It is good enough that such an investor comes to Uganda at all. Question: Your strategic goals may be correct but the procedural approach is highly questionable. You are handling everything personally from State House. It would appear you are suffocating the ability of institutions like the Uganda Investment Authority and the Privatisation Unit to function and develop independently of presidential interference. You are vulnerable to accusations of personal interest in such transactions. For example there has been speculation that you have personal interests in Tri-Star and Garden City, where you made aggressive interventions on behalf of foreign investors. Answer: Suffocating them how? We have been crying for these investors for a long time. But Uganda is less attractive than many other investment destinations. The Investment Authority are doing their best. But there is no harm in the President supplementing them. Unless you are saying I should have no role at all, as the Presiding Officer of the government! About private interest, let me tell you. On January 22, 1973, during the Fronasa struggle, two of my colleagues and I were surrounded by Amin's army in Mbale. I fought my way out but lost the two colleagues, who were killed. Other people, the Obotes, later said, "But how come Museveni survived alone? He must have killed his colleagues." Can you imagine! I am not bothered by such allegations if I am doing something for the good of Uganda. Question: But the procedures there was a competitive bid for the Dairy Corporation, which was scuttled Answer: The Thai company had gone through the processes DRIC (the Divestiture Reform and Implementation Committee). They
[Ugnet] Subject : ] Uganda's Killers in Luwero
Subject: ] Uganda's Killers in Luwero Fallen heroes are squirming in their graves Beti Kamya TurwomweIn his last Sunday Vision article titled “Honour our heroes”, Moses Byaruhanga raised the following issues that I found quite interesting: (i) Uganda is now enjoying relative peace and development because the likes of Sam Magara and his brother Martin Mwesiga, fallen NRA combatants who were exhumed and reburied with honours last week, sacrificed their lives. (ii) Therefore, for the likes of Major General Mugisha Muntu, Major Kazoora, Eriya Kategaya etc, to “hobnob with UPC, which killed people in Luweero” is a betrayal of the cause for which Magara and Mwesiga died. (iii) “Fortunately” President Yoweri Museveni, Amama Mbabazi, Kahinda Otafiire and others are still around and “ready to launch yet another struggle” — it was not clear against what or whom the struggle might be launched. As I pondered Byaruhanga’s article, I asked myself the following questions, which I now pose to him: Did Magara and Mwesiga sacrifice their lives so that only those people who are either lucky, privileged, docile, quiet or support government positions can have peace and development? Can the spirits of Magara and Mwesiga rest in peace, sandwiched between the spirit of Patrick Manenero, who died while under detention and that of Baronda, who was gunned down in the streets of Rukungiri merely because he had gone to attend a political rally of his presidential candidate? Are Magara and Mwesiga’s spirits jubilating that Col. (rtd) Kizza Besigye, a fellow combatant is in exile for attempting to unseat Museveni in a manner prescribed by our constitution? Byaruhanga, will, of course, argue that it is self-inflicted exile and therefore not the government’s responsibility. Are Magara and Mwesiga’s spirits proud that the Supreme Court of Uganda ruled that the 2001 presidential elections were marred by “significant” levels of election malpractices and that we are about to change the Constitution of Uganda so that President Museveni can rule Uganda for more than 20 years? Are Magara and Mwesiga’s spirits jumping with joy for making way for Kakooza Mutale and his weird exploits? Does Byaruhanga think they would have applauded President Museveni for sending his daughter to have a baby in Germany aboard a presidential jet, when a Ugandan who has paid taxes for the past 80 years cannot get a free panadol in any hospital in Uganda? Would they have applauded the kisanja money dished out to some MPs? I put it to Moses that if he really wishes to honour these fallen heroes he should not defile their names by associating them with the political obscenity currently going on in Uganda, but leave them to rest in peace, as God so kindly spared them the broken hearts that the Besigyes, Muntus, Kategayas and Kazooras have to deal with now.As for people “hobnobbing with UPC”, I suggest that Byaruhanga and his likes should go slowly on the so-called “atrocities committed by UPC in Luweero”. Evidence is coming out, particularly from former Kadogos, now frustrated and disillusioned UPDF soldiers, who, if their security was guaranteed, would testify that they were recruited into the NRA after their parents had been brutally murdered by people they were told were Uganda government soldiers, but whom they now know were NRA rebels. Incidentally, does Byaruhanga remember that the NRM has for long been hobnobbing with former UPC stalwarts Nsaba Buturo, Charles Alai, Francis Butagira, Jovino Akaki, Kefa Sempangi and now Ephraim Kamuntu, or is hobnobbing with UPC a private domain of the NRM? And what is the NRM doing with Ali Bamuze, Taban Amin and many others with tainted track records? Byaruhanga’s veiled threat that President Museveni, Amama Mbabazi, Otafiire and others are still around and willing to launch another struggle, cannot go unnoticed. Who are they going to struggle against? Will they go back to the bush when they lose the 2006 elections? Surely, can Magara and Mwesiga rest in peace if they knew that after 19 years of NRM rule, there might still be need for President Museveni and his clique to launch “yet another struggle” as seen through the eyes of none other than the President’s own Private Secretary for Political Affairs? Ends Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Some madness from Busonga!----Kyabazinga campaigns for Museveni
Kyabazinga campaigns for Museveni HEAR US LORD: Bishop Michael Kyomya of Busoga Diocese blesses Mulokis new car By Esther Mukyala THE Kyabazinga, Henry Wako Muloki, has commended President Yoweri Museveni for his wise leadership and called upon the Basoga to support him. He said Musevenis recent vision of Busoga region was a clear indication that he had a vision for Ugandas economic revival. Muloki was on Friday speaking at his 10th coronation anniversary at Kaliro Ssaza grounds in Kamuli district. He who gives should be given back. Musevenis tour of Busoga shows that he is with us, so you should support him, he said. This is the first time a cultural leader comes up to openly comment on the current political situation as the country goes through the transition from Movement to multi-party politics. Last month Museveni conducted a five-day tour of Busoga aimed at improving household incomes. Ends Published on: Monday, 14th February, 2005 Email this article to a friend. Gook Don't just search. Find. MSN Search Check out the new MSN Search! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
RE: [Ugnet] Muhoozi to succede M7?
Me brooda, you makee mi lafoo baa! You still funny mano affewa! Lubanga wokuri baa! gook htmlDIV DIVGook /DIV DIVnbsp;/DIV/DIV/html Original Message Follows From: quot;Okuto del Coliquot; lt;[EMAIL PROTECTED]gt; Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], ugandanet@kym.net To: ugandanet@kym.net, [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: RE: [Ugnet] Muhoozi to succede M7? Date: Thu, 10 Feb 2005 08:19:22 -0500 (EST) I bear with Onyango- Obbo. However, I t appears to me that he has omitted the subjects (the ruled's) part and perspective. I believe the Ruled have a lot more role in it than is commonly expressed. What make the ruled accept the succession? What methods are employed to weaken the party? Why do those known methods still succeed? A least Bokassa was an honest man. He just quot;TOOK ITquot;! In broad day light, more over. Mbeki was moulded too. What to do, our leaders still come from among us. What we have, we grabb, aha aha!We create jobs by replacement after coups,aha aha For Gook: Mi broooda, Togo i na easioo! Them got them stuff kan plant It is in the blood,yet. Their Satinic Plutocrats commit so much crime that their (and indeed their families) only chances to stay alife is to secure state power aha aha aha. And do not forget the IG BIG STUFF: JUJJU (VOODOO) STUFF, aha aha aha! In Africa a president without the quot;realquot; power (YEN) is no president. You go be dead..., finito Togo, you know, is the headquaters of real powr,aha aha!! If you drive through Togo, there is no compound where you do not see a quot;FAMILY SHRINEquot;. I hear they got them stuff 'can plant a tree in the middle of a compound in broad day light, aha aha! They got them stuff is no joookuo ( no joke)! Forget the majji-majji stuff about sending bees to entertain Kony and the LRA, The one of Togo and Benin is FAYA (fire). Who are you oppose him? My brooda, hmm liiivo mio- alone ba!! This thing be in the blood, baaa! joyficate noc'l --- On Wed 02/09, gook makanga amp;lt; [EMAIL PROTECTED] amp;gt; wrote: From: gook makanga [mailto: [EMAIL PROTECTED]: [EMAIL PROTECTED]: Wed, 09 Feb 2005 09:12:06 +Subject: [Ugnet] Muhoozi to succede M7? Ear to the Ground By Charles Onyango ObboWill Muhoozi replace Museveni as in Togo?Feb 9, 2005 Togo's dictator of 38 years Gnassingbe Eyadema pulled off one last act of political chicanery on the weekend. He waited when the Speaker of Parliament Fambare Natchaba Ouattara was travelling abroad, then died.That gave the army the opportunity to close borders so that Ouattara doesn't return, and to install Faure Gnassingbe to serve out his father's term. When the world screamed that it was a coup, because under the constitution the Speaker should have assumed power after President Eyadema's death, the army quickly sorted out that small matter. They hassled MPs into the House, dismissed Ouattara, appointed young Gnassingbe Speaker, and changed the constitution, allowing junior to finish his father's work.Ugandans chuckled, because of the widely held view that President Yoweri Museveni has been grooming his son, Major Muhoozi Kainerugaba to take over from him. That it's one reason he is scouting for the amendment of the constitution to lift presidential term limits, so he can rule until Muhoozi is quot;ripe and readyquot; to succeed him. Though Muhoozi's career in the army has been fast tracked, and he's alleged to be the most powerful voice on military and security matters after his father in Uganda today, opinion is still divided whether indeed he's the next president-in-waiting. Those who question the Muhoozi-as-successor scenario say there isn't sufficient evidence to hold up the claim. SERIOUS SALUTE: Can President Museveni be the person to advise Parliament against lifting term limits? The events in Togo, however, offer us fresh pointers in the politics of son succeeding father in State House. In fact Togo is not unique, nor is it a typical African political farce. Therefore taken together with other countries where the presidency has been kept in the family, Uganda's likely future becomes a little clearer.We shall not discuss monarchies, but most of the presidents who have handed or are planning to hand the jobs to their sons all over the world have a few things in common. First, they have all ruled for more than 20 years. When North Korea's quot;Great Leaderquot; Kim Il-Sung died in 1994, he had been in power as the top man for 38 years - as long as Eyadema. His son, quot;Dear Leaderquot; Kim Jong Il took over, but in the strangest circumstances. After his death, Kim Il-Sung was named his country's quot;perpetual leaderquot;, making him the only dead leader in the world who is president for life. However this gives us an important pointer to why leaders plant their sons to succe ed them that we shall return to later.Another president who was succeeded by his son was Hafez Assad of Syria. When he died in 2000, Assad had been
[Ugnet] Muhoozi to succede M7?
Ear to the Ground By Charles Onyango ObboWill Muhoozi replace Museveni as in Togo?Feb 9, 2005 Togo's dictator of 38 years Gnassingbe Eyadema pulled off one last act of political chicanery on the weekend. He waited when the Speaker of Parliament Fambare Natchaba Ouattara was travelling abroad, then died.That gave the army the opportunity to close borders so that Ouattara doesn't return, and to install Faure Gnassingbe to serve out his father's term. When the world screamed that it was a coup, because under the constitution the Speaker should have assumed power after President Eyadema's death, the army quickly sorted out that small matter. They hassled MPs into the House, dismissed Ouattara, appointed young Gnassingbe Speaker, and changed the constitution, allowing junior to finish his father's work.Ugandans chuckled, because of the widely held view that President Yoweri Museveni has been grooming his son, Major Muhoozi Kainerugaba to take over from him. That it's one reason he is scouting for the amendment of the constitution to lift presidential term limits, so he can rule until Muhoozi is "ripe and ready" to succeed him. Though Muhoozi's career in the army has been fast tracked, and he's alleged to be the most powerful voice on military and security matters after his father in Uganda today, opinion is still divided whether indeed he's the next president-in-waiting. Those who question the Muhoozi-as-successor scenario say there isn't sufficient evidence to hold up the claim. SERIOUS SALUTE: Can President Museveni be the person to advise Parliament against lifting term limits? The events in Togo, however, offer us fresh pointers in the politics of son succeeding father in State House. In fact Togo is not unique, nor is it a typical African political farce. Therefore taken together with other countries where the presidency has been kept in the family, Uganda's likely future becomes a little clearer.We shall not discuss monarchies, but most of the presidents who have handed or are planning to hand the jobs to their sons all over the world have a few things in common. First, they have all ruled for more than 20 years. When North Korea's "Great Leader" Kim Il-Sung died in 1994, he had been in power as the top man for 38 years - as long as Eyadema. His son, "Dear Leader" Kim Jong Il took over, but in the strangest circumstances. After his death, Kim Il-Sung was named his country's "perpetual leader", making him the only dead leader in the world who is president for life. However this gives us an important pointer to why leaders plant their sons to succeed them that we shall return to later.Another president who was succeeded by his son was Hafez Assad of Syria. When he died in 2000, Assad had been in power for 30 years. Bashar succeeded him. Bashar was not his father's first choice. The old man had been grooming his oldest son Basil. When Basil died in 1994, the lot fell on Bashar.There have been several father-to-son succession projects that aborted, the most famous one being in Iraq. Deposed dictator Saddam Hussein had lined up his oldest son Odai to take over. Things went terribly wrong when the Americans invaded in 2003, ending Saddam's 24-year rule. If you count the fact that he had been a very powerful figure from 1968 as vice president, Saddam can be said to have exercised control for 35 years. There are two closely watched son-to-father presidential successions being plotted in Africa as we speak. Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, who's been president for 24 years and is supposed to be serving out his last term, is believed to have changed his mind. He is pushing for a referendum in which he will be the single candidate, to decide whether he can add another six years while he is grooming his son Gamal as his successor.A more familiar figure in Uganda, and fellow "revolutionary" and friend of Museveni, Libya's Col. Muammar Gaddafi, has been in power for a solid 36 years. His boy, Saif al-Islam is being groomed to take over from daddy.These trends suggest that as leaders head for their 20th year in power, they have been in the job so long, they view the presidency as private property. Secondly, the presidency gets to define their world so much so that they see their "after life" only in continuing to rule from beyond the grave.It is these factors, plus the need for the First Family to protect the wealth it will have amassed and other privileges, that determines the choice of the son as successor. Daughters are excluded, on the reasoning that they could be married off, and easily come under the sway of their husbands - who could be from another clan or tribe. In the belief that a dead father continues to live through the son, junior inherits the presidency. The decisive factor, however, is political. A non-hereditary ruler who stays in power for 20 years can't do so by being democratic. He usually removes the challenge posed by rivals and his party. Therefore he gets rid of opponents, weakens
[Ugnet] Re: Omuvi okok i Minakulu
Re: Omuvi okok i Minakulu Date: Thu, 03 Feb 2005 21:48:03 -0500 TRANSLATION: Movement cried (in tears) in Minakulu. Martin Ogwang Elu Movement supporters shed tears as 60 of their members cross over and return to UPC on January 20, 2005. This took place in gombolola Minakulu when Mrs. Cecilia Ogwal who is the memeber of Paliament fro Lira Municipality payed a surprise and powerful visit to Minakulu and carrying the UPC flag high above her head, together with the head photo of the former Ugandan President Dr. Apollo Milton Obote. Everybody was over whelmed with excitement. Ululation and calls of support rang through the air and UPC party songs filled the air with trememdous rumble and vigour. The Movement supporters who had been sitting at the Rupiny Newspaper offices who had not quiet known what was happening were shocked and could not contain their emotions. Tears just started running like river down their chins. When this reporter asked him that, Brother what is so bad that has hurt you so much? He replied saying, I am sure and confirm that UPC will win come 2006. The name UPC is so loud all over the place,and everybody is just crossing. I fear that I am also going to cross over. I feel I just cannot help but do it. Translated by: Wacha Opio Oguta. Subject: Re: Omuvi okok i Minakulu Date: Thu, 3 Feb 2005 20:22:39 -0500 Translate please - Original Message - Subject: Omuvi okok i Minakulu Omuvi okok i Minakulu Martin Ogwang Elu OCWAK Movement obin okok ipig wang gi kun jo 60 lokere oko te dok i pati me UPC i 20.1.2005 idye lek me gombolola Minakulu ikare ame Cecilia Ogwal, amemba me Paliamen pi Lira Municipality, obin ocoro Minakulu kun otingo malo bendera me UPC kede cal a preciden acon me UPC, Dr. Apollo Milton Obote, kan ame yom yic te ciro jo oko. Duru, ijira myel kede wer me pako pati me UPC te ngur ame ping ayengere ayenga. Acwak Movement ame onwongo tye obedo inget Rupiny kun pe angeyo obin okok ame pig wange tye aony ni yek yek. Ikare ame acoc openye ni, Omego ngo dok arac? Omuvi man ogamo ni UPC gire tim wangi aloyo Movement oko i 2006 pien nying gi tye arwo itwok ping ducu dok jo apol tye aya oko i Movement. An dang ka anwongo ni pe alare angolo lek oko. Published on: Wednesday, 2nd February, 2005 htmlDIV DIVGook /DIV DIVnbsp;/DIV/DIV/html _ Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! Download today it's FREE! http://messenger.msn.click-url.com/go/onm00200471ave/direct/01/ ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Destroying UPDF will create Iraq?-----This MUST BE DONE!
Subject: Destroying UPDF will create Iraq?-This MUST BE DONE! Sent: Friday, February 4, 2005 3:42 AM OPINION Shaban Bantariza Destroying UPDF will create Iraq What will kill this country will not come from outside it. It is from within ourselves. We Ugandans seem to be our own problem most of, if not all, the time. Even when outsiders cause us to build two dams on the same water point and eventually the water is not enough to power the two dams, after injecting in huge amounts of our meagre resources, still the problem is primarily ours. Outsiders only take advantage of us. Just like some of our traditional chiefs actively and selfishly participated in the slave trading of their own subjects in exchange for trinkets and other ornaments, today, some of our citizens with selfish and misguided ambitions are still enticing their own children and voters into rebellions, hoping to use these as ladders to their ambitions. No wonder we have been capturing boys and girls at battlefronts in northern Uganda and they confess having been encouraged to fight on till the magical year 2006 when these boys would be in the government army, riding Mercedes Benzes. Encouraged by who? They mention some local councillors, chiefs, opinion leaders and elders and, my God, some Members of Parliament! Now, as we are still trying to solve the terror-mongering in northern Uganda by abducted child fighters under the command of Joseph Kony, a democrat has thrown a spanner into the works. On January 21, while on a radio programme called Kirizza oba ggana on the Central Broadcasting Service (CBS), the Secretary General of the Democratic Party, one Mr. J.B. Kakooza said the unsayable. This gentleman, who is supposed to be a respectable leader, sounded war drums. He called upon all those under anyone who will remove President Museveni from government to remove the UPDF as well! Reason? According to Kakooza, President Museveni has personalised this army and to remove him without removing it would be doing half the job. Good grief! Anybody who has been in this country for a while knows that the northern Uganda rebellion of 1986-1990, which thereafter degenerated into rural terrorism, essentially arose out of such reckless statements. Between 1985-86, the fleeing General Bazilio Okello called upon all the Acholi to take up arms against what he called an army of southerners. He told our northern Uganda brothers and sisters that the army of southerners was coming to annihilate them in revenge for the UNLA fight against the NRA in Luwero and other parts of southern Uganda. Our gullible and unsophisticated peasants believed him, since he was not only their prominent son, but also a breadwinner representing many young Acholi soldiers in the UNLA. Because of that negative propaganda by some leaders in the army and politics at the time, we have had two decades of war, terrorism, insecurity, and all the concomitant socio-economic destruction of the Acholi sub-region! Now when the Secretary General of the Democratic Party starts conducting political business exactly like the late Bazilio Okello; where can we say Uganda is heading? Being defeated in an election is part of democracy, even if one is the incumbent. But it cant be part of democracy to destroy what has been built just because you dont agree or even like your opponent, who may happen to be the incumbent. Trying to mobilise for the destruction of the UPDF as Kakooza is doing, is to try to create an Iraq after the coalition forces removed Saddam Hussein and destroyed the one-million-strong Iraqi army. Everyone now sees that it was bad enough to remove Saddam Hussein in the manner it was done, but it was worse to destroy the Iraqi state pillar because instead of rebuilding it, the coalition government is now trying to cut its losses and run, by organizing a war election. So, the democracy they promised in Iraq is like the one Kakooza and perhaps his DP are trying to promise Ugandans, after they have, hopefully, destroyed UPDF. I am saying destroyed here because you have no other way of removing a pillar of the state, especially an armed one, without using ballistics. So, if anyone wishes to set the fire he wont extinguish without regrettable consequences, as we have had in northern Uganda because of the some misguided ambitious people, let him or her ask the coalition governments and armies of the Iraqi conquest. This is certainly not to intimidate, threaten or frighten Kakooza and all those who think like him. They are free to choose and do what they want, but it is good to have a friend who warns you of the possible consequences which you may need to prepare to take responsibility for, wherever and whenever that may be, even in the longer history of our lives. The author is Defence/UPDF Spokesman Gook htmlDIV DIVGook /DIV DIVnbsp;/DIV/DIV/html _
[Ugnet] NRM Enterprise has started bearing fruit
NRM Enterprise has started bearing fruit Yoweri Museveni in the bush in Luwero with his combatants in the 1980s --People are mad that Museveni is showing no signs of leaving power By Seezi Cheeye While growing up in the peasantry Banyarwanda cattle-keeping community in the bushes of Luwero, we were taught that a man was expected to be very tough. Real boys were taught to walk with a stick in hand. It was regarded effeminate to walk without a stick. As a man grew older he was expected to be wiser and happier too. According to TIME magazine of January 17, people between the age of 65 and 74 are a lot happier than those between 20 and 24. So, why is Mzee Francis Gureme, 80, lamenting, cursing and freaking out? The answer is to be found in a wise Kiganda warning : eyawukana kumugendo efuka kaasa a red ant which isolates itself from the rest, gets lost and becomes wild. It is not difficult to see why people like Gureme are falling by the wayside of the ruling movement. After making my case, readers will appreciate, how people like Gureme eventually become hostile, like the kaasa. To start with, the NRM Government is a precious and highly profitable enterprise. And that is it as it should be. President Yoweri Museveni then only 38, with his fellow 26 young men, took the highest risk on February 6, 1981, and invested in a political economic venture called NRM enterprise. Subsequently as it was expected, after five years of hard work and real risk taking, Museveni and his group of investors, succeeded, and he as the chief executive of the enterprise, is now harvesting prime dividends. In economics, the greater the risk of investments, the higher the returns of equity. NRM Enterprise, whose core advantage business is the preservation and maximisation of Ugandans life, has achieved amazing results. For example, under the NRM, the Uganda population has more than doubled the population covering the previous 30 years of colonial and post-colonial mismanagement (1948-1980). While the population grew at a snails pace from five million in 1948 to 12.6 million in 1980, under the NRM Enterprise, the population ballooned to 24.7 million (2002). In terms of percentage, Ugandas population growth crept from 1.5 percent to 3.1 percent between 1959 and 1980, while under the NRM, the population growth skyrocketed from 4 percent (1986) to 8 percent (2002). What this means is that Ugandans are having a good time more than ever before. That is why the population doubled in only 16 years of NRM administration, yet it took a whole of 32 years (1948-1980) of mismanagement for the population to more than double. There is a scientific relationship between population growth and political stability. Between 1500 and 1900, the growth of African population was hampered by slave trade and as a result grew from 47 million in 1500 to 129 million by 1900, while the population of the rest of the world excluding Africa, grew from 500 million to 2 billion in the same period. African population was 8.6% of the world population before the woes of slave trade and colonisation (1500) but dropped to only 6.1% in 1900 after the woes of slave trade and colonisation. However, since 1900 to-date, African population is once again climbing and now comprises of 13.3% percent of the worlds population (ie 800million people out of the worlds six billion people). In the USA, in a period of only 40 years (1889-1929) the population jumped from only 4 million to 120 million, which was an increase of 2,900%. Since 1929 the USA population has increased to about 300 million today which is an increase of 150%. What this means is that when there is harmony between politics and economics in a country, the invisible hand of free markets persuade the population to multiply. It baffles me how Gureme has in his sunset days instantly woken up, and self-styled himself into one of the leading political commentators. Where was he in all his prime years before the NRM came and liberated the media? Why did he not write in the Uganda Times or the Voice of Uganda under Idi Amin, at a time when I believe there were more pressing political and economic woes, and he, the burning spear? How did he perform as minister of Tourism, at a time when most tourists avoided Uganda under the brutal dictatorship of Idi Amin? Gureme went to good schools and mastered classics and became a wonderful whiteman in black skin. After university he was converted into the docility of colonialism and neo-colonialism. In his prime, he invested in soft life, eating sausages, and cat-walking the glittering corridors of Kampala Conference Centre. From the econometric angle, Gureme invested his prime years in risk-free options, which yield low equity. But that is not the end of the story. People like him are jealously mad that President Museveni, who has been the principal occupant of State House for the last 18 years is not showing signs
[Ugnet] Tororo residents boycot NRM day
Tororo residents boycott NRM day By John Augustine Emojong Jan 31, 2005 TORORO - Many residents of the district boycotted celebrations to mark the 19th anniversary of National Resistance Movement's on Wednesday. The Resident District Commissioner, Mr Dauda Yassin Kasibante, attributed the low attendance to workers who are on a sit-down strike over unpaid salaries. By January 25 in the morning, we were sure the celebrations had flopped. Civil workers went on a sit down strike, it was only my office and that of the DISO, which were operating. There were padlocks and roadblocks everywhere. But as we kept on consulting, we decided to celebrate the day. This is a mishap, Kasibante said. The Municipality MP, Mr Yeri Ofwono, was disappointed by the small number of people who attended. He said, Since we started celebrating NRM days, I must say this has been the worst attended. © 2005 The Monitor Publications. _ Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! Download today it's FREE! http://messenger.msn.click-url.com/go/onm00200471ave/direct/01/ ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] M7, Kagame USA Puppets--Kabila
Conflict in the Congo: An Interview with President Laurent Kabila Conflict in the Congo: An Interview with President Laurent Kabila by Elombe Brath and Samori Marksman In early May 1997, when it became apparent to western observers that the broad coalition of rebel forces in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) headed by veteran freedom fighter, Laurent Kabila, would eventually topple the Mobutu kleptocracy and establish "a popular government, linking all sectors of our society," the Financial Times, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and others in the corporate media slowly began to criticize the "excesses" of the CIA-installed Mobutu regime, in power since 1965. But at the same time they began a relentless campaign against Kabila and the rebel coalition. The Wall Street Journal spoke of Kabila as an "ideological throwback" to the politics of the 1960s. It decried his relationship with Che Guevara, who had gone to the Congo in the early l960s to work with a progressive coalition (including Kabila) to support the Patrice Lumumba forces and to oust another CIA-installed regime, which had been installed in the diamond-rich region of Katanga. The Journal warned that "western interests" would now be in jeopardy under Kabila. For thirteen months, Kabila sought to consolidate a broad coalition to democratize and develop the Congo. But by August 1998, two neighboring states, Rwanda and Uganda, aligned with ethnic forces inside the Congo, invaded several towns and cities. Both invading countries charged Kabila with "corruption" and human rights violations, and with being "undemocratic." Both Rwanda and Uganda are governed by de facto military regimes. Both governments are hosts to U.S. military training facilities and U.S. military personnel. The Congo has been regarded by leading scientists and economists as one of the most mineral-rich countries in the world. It contains roughly 70 percent of the world's cobalt. More than half of the U.S. military's cobalt comes from the Congo. It is the second largest producer of diamonds in the world and is known for large deposits of gold, manganese, and copper. The Congo's peculiar type of high-grade uranium was used by the U.S. to make the atom bombs that were dropped on Japan in WWII. And the U.S. dominates mining in that area even today. The current conflict in the Congo directly involves, on one side: the governments of Rwanda and Uganda; former Mobutu soldiers; a small number of Congolese dissidents, including western inspired intellectuals; members of two ethnic groups that are indigenous to Rwanda; and UNITA, a CIA-created contra organization, set up in 1964 to work with the CIA and the then South African apartheid regime to overthrow the government of Angola. And on the other side: the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo; and the governments of Zimbabwe, Namibia, Chad, and Angola. While much diplomatic and other forms of support have come to Kabila's government from Cuba, Libya, Nigeria, and many other countries, it remains unclear from where Rwanda and Uganda, two tiny and extremely poor countries, are receiving the massive military resources they are consuming. The following interview was conducted with President Laurent Kabila in November 1998 by Elombe Brath, veteran activist and radio producer on African issues, and Samori Marksman, director of programming at WBAI, Pacifica Radio in New York City. Elombe Brath: Mr. President, we want you to be able to talk directly to the people here, to tell them of the situation in the Congo as it is today. President Laurent Kabila: The situation in Congo is a war situation. The Congo has been aggressed in the north by Uganda and Rwanda as well as Burundi. As of October 30, there were 15,000 Ugandan and 19,000 Rwandan troops on Congo soil. They are disrupting our democratization process. They are killing and looting everywhere, particularly in the mining areas such as Kisangani and Kivu. All production is at a standstill. The people of Congo, who are the victims, are mobilizing against this open aggression. The aggressors have benefited by the complicity of big powers who have decided not to tell them to pull out from the Congo so that we could begin again the reconstruction of that area, so that peace could be brought back to the area of the Great Lakes region. Samori Marksman: President Kabila, could you discuss the nature of the forces from outside the Congo, besides Rwanda and Uganda, which are directly involved in the Congo itself? Kabila: When Uganda and Rwanda started the invasion, no rebellion existed inside the Congo. The real position here is that after the 2nd of August attempted coup in Kinshasa was defeated, they came up with the story of a revolt. Three weeks after they realized that they were not going to defeat the popular government in Kinshasa, they came up with this story of rebels. Of course, they have got accomplices from the Congo itself. But in the course
[Ugnet] Munini on M7's jets and the poverty on Ugandans
Letter to A Kampala Friend By Muniini K. Mulera In Toronto The Old Museveni lashes at the New one over priorities Jan 31 , 2005 Dear Tingasiga: Yesterdays Sunday Monitor reported that the Ugandan presidential helicopter had been flown to Belarus for major repairs at a cost of more than $5 million (Shs 8.7 billion). The Lizard, the Monitors cartoon correctly reacted with a suggestion that we need to put Sebutinde on standby. You can be certain that by the time the semi-repaired chopper returns to Entebbe, someone in the Kampala regime will have eaten a fair chunk of that money. SLEEK: The presidential jet sitting on the tarmac at Entebbe International Airport. It is expensive to maintain. The story reminded me, once again, of statements made exactly nineteen years ago by one of my great heroes. Shortly after being sworn in as President of Uganda on January 29, 1986, Yoweri Museveni said: "We want our people to be able to afford shoes. The honourable Excellency who is going to the United Nations in executive jets, but has a population at home of 90 percent walking barefoot, is nothing but a pathetic spectacle. Yet this Excellency may be busy trying to compete with [US President Ronald] Reagan and [USSR President Mikhail] Gorbachev to show them that he, too, is an Excellency." Two months later, he took his message to Acholi, where he told elders at the Acholi Inn on March 12, 1986: "We fought to end murder in Uganda, to end corruption in government, and to end backwardness in the economy. We have had all these Excellencies: Obote, Amin, Okello and now Museveni! While 90 per cent of the people they represent have no shoes, a certain Excellency like Tito is buying furniture worth 500,000 pound sterling, for one house." Oh! The dizzying joy the presidents words brought many of us! And how very easy it was for us to believe him! Was he not drinking from a TUMPECO mug? Was he not walking around dressed in simple military fatigues? Was he not allergic to publicly-funded luxury cars in a land of sinful poverty? A new dawn was upon our country, Tingasiga. The elites addiction to the good life at the expense of the impoverished masses was about to be expunged from the land. And the president himself would lead by example. The dream was nice while it lasted. Nineteen years later, I find myself not shocked by news of a potential $5million bill for repairing the Ugandan presidents chopper; of my hero constantly flying around the world in a $40 million private jet; of a presidential complaint that the well-appointed Presidential Residence at Nakasero is very uncomfortable, certainly inferior to his palace at Rwakitura. The argument could be made that such opulent tastes are a just reward for one whose work is done, one who has converted the basket case into one of Africas most vibrant economies. After all, the visitor who was last in Uganda 19 years ago would be greatly impressed by the changes that have occurred in the intervening years. The traffic jams on the roads and on the airwaves, on the boda-boda paths and on the dance floors of trendy night clubs, in the shopping malls, at the UPE school gates and in dozens of new colleges and universities, are visible evidence of the good that the regime has enabled. To be sure, the hundreds of thousands of new houses, including million dollar mansions that dot the landscape of Kampala and other cities and towns, is an achievement worthy of great praise for the owners and for the president under whose watch the bricks and blocks have mushroomed on empty lots and former slums. Yet this sense of satisfaction would not have sat well with my hero of 19 years back. He would have reminded us that these marvellous achievements for which we are justly proud, have yet to address the majority population that lives in poverty. Oh yes, some of the wealth in the hands of a select elite has trickled down to the rural folk and the urban peasants. But not even the most creative sycophant can claim that Ugandas economic prosperity has reached a level that justifies this presidential lifestyle fit for a French King. The biting poverty under which millions of Ugandans live is morally and fiscally incompatible with the spendthrift culture that obtains at the Presidential palace. President Museveni himself has had occasion to make this observation. Some people are living a profligate life and even an extravagant life, while others are living in poverty, Museveni was quoted in The Monitor of May 28, 2004. It was a correct observation by one who knows, though of course his words do not match his actions. As you continue to sing the song of success, Tingasiga, spare a moment to reflect on the presidents observation and on the following questions: How long will the poor folks sit and watch in passive silence Tingasiga, as you and your cohorts feed off the carcass of a country they also call home? Do those under-paid and over-worked house servants,
[Ugnet] Dairy coop. the looting continues!
Dairy Corp sale not transparent EditorialJan 31, 2005 The Dairy Corporation, the biggest producer of milk in the country, has been offered to a Thai businessman at a nominal fee of $1. This follows a directive from President Yoweri Museveni to the Minister for Privatisation and the Privatisation Unit to remove all financial obstacles to the Thai man getting the potentially lucrative business. This is quite serious, more so coming from the Head of State. We want to be clear from the start that Dairy Corporation is a struggling company that needs recapitalisation ideally from a new investor. Indeed late in 2003, the government injected Shs 3bn into the corporation to keep it afloat. Therefore there is no problem with getting a new investor to take it up. But we have a fundamental problem with the way the Thai businessman has come to win the deal on a silver platter without going through the mandatory bidding process, that had even reached advanced stages. Reliable information indicates that Mr Chatchai Boonyarat of the Maleee Sampran Sampran Public Company Limited, was introduced by Ugandan businessmen. Despite advice from various quarters to Mr James Mulwana, the Thai consul, to encourage the prospective investor to bid, no attempt was made on his part to submit his bid. The President's order virtually halts an international bidding process, which had attracted four serious international dairy producers - among them the Dairy Board of Zimbabwe, two reputable firms from Kenya and another, a joint venture from Switzerland. They have wasted time and money and what is at risk is the reputation of our international tender process, which is now questionable. It is a repeat of the Kinyara Sugar Works debacle whose bidding process was stopped in similar manner after the PU had spent Shs2b to prepare it for sale. The Banyoro resisted the sale and the exercise put off at a terrible cost. Political interference also messed up the sale of UCB and Sheraton. Ugandans need an explanation on why the bidding was stopped. How much do we know of this Thai company? What is his business plan, what is so special in it? Why was his contract rushed and signed in one day? Instead of bringing in capital, why does he ask for capital injection from government? The world is rethinking the whole privatization strategy, since in many places it has delivered the expected results. But if we decide to do it, we must do it well. This one is certainly not transparent and Parliament must ensure it is reconsidered. © 2005 The Monitor Publications. Gook Don't just search. Find. MSN Search Check out the new MSN Search! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] M7 has had a bellyful of killings? I dont think so.
M7 cannot get enough of killings and lootings. He is by nature a greedy man and a kirra! gook Search for peace costly for Acholi peace team By Samuel Olara Jan 31, 2005 It was not at all surprising to read in both the Monitor and the New Vision of Tuesday the 11th January 2005, that gunmen had robbed a team of Acholi peace negotiators on their way from meeting President Yoweri Museveni at his country home in Rwakitura, Mbarara. Having travelled without a scratch through the "terrorist infested" region of Acholi districts where ambushes, robberies, rape, murder, torture, false imprisonment, abduction, mutilation and forceful recruitment are the order of the day; they could not have imagined that a better match than Kony/LRA laid in wait at the shores of Rwakitura. The team led by the Gulu Catholic Archbishop, John Baptist Odama and included Bishop McBaker Ochola, Gulu LC5 Chairman Lt Col Walter Ochora and MPs Hillary Onek, Jane Akwero and Zachary Olum was allegedly intercepted at Sanga Trading Centre, about 30km from Mbarara town on the Mbarara-Masaka highway at around 10p.m. Gulu LC5 Chairman Lt. Col Walter Ochora reportedly blamed his robbed team members for not having followed the directive given at the president's home in Rwakitura; after the meeting, to move in a convoy. One wonders why such a directive should have been given and since when were people required to move in convoys in Mbarara? Ironically, President Yoweri Museveni compensated the peace team for their lost.Peace observers will not fail to see this "peace-ambush" at the shores of Rwakitura as yet again another effort to derail the many attempts by Acholi leaders to restore peace in Acholiland. This incident occurred barely two weeks following the New Year's ultimatum to the LRA by President Yoweri Museveni, to come out of the bush or face the might of the UPDF. Infact, information coming from reliable sources, say that a message was sent to the LRA spokesman and political commissar Brig Sam Kolo, a day earlier; before the document to the "peace agreement" was handed over to be signed, that "the government is only concerned with giving amnesty to a few commanders and not the entire rank and file of the LRA". The source further states that the government was not prepared to listen, nor include into the "peace agreement" any concerns the LRA brought to the table. It was exclusively about "LRA surrender and government amnesty or they get killed". It is also now emerging that; since the war declaration by Museveni on the 31st December 2004, the LRA rebels and their commanders who were already within the "ceasefire zone" have since been attacked and many have been killed. Museveni and his NRM government, while performing political maneuvers, have not made any serious efforts or attempts at resolving the conflict in any meaningful way; they have rather defaulted and ambushed any attempts by Acholi leaders (both traditional and religious), who have either attempted or made contact with Kony and his LRA, in trying to end the human carnage that has consumed the entire northern Uganda. The president has made repeated public statements that military might is the only way to bring Kony and his LRA to their knees; he has also made repeated statements that he is willing to talk to the LRA but not with Kony himself or some of his commanders; he has also given the LRA "safety" assurances should they abandon "terrorism"; then he has said that he is not willing to pardon killers and terrorists; then he has said that he will only talk to the LRA outside Uganda (but does not want the involvement of another country) and continue to kill them inside Uganda and in Sudan; he has declared minimal ceasefire zones and has supposedly heeded to "pressure to talk to the LRA" yet ordered his UPDF to continue killing these "terrorists" whilst the talks are on-going. Peace advocators the world over, will point out that in any negotiation much depends on the spirit with which the peace-seekers enter into the negotiations. An erosion of confidence at the outset itself is a bad sign, to say the least.It is therefore important that those who are following the "Betty Bigombe" peace process draw a distinction between those working to make a breakthrough for peace talks and those working to derail the entire process. There is a need to bear in mind that peace talks are, by and large, a matter between the Museveni government and Kony's LRA; but the peace process is more than peace talks between the government and the LRA. It also encompasses the well-being of the people of northern Uganda who should not be held hostage to the agendas of the president Yoweri Museveni, in his effort to strengthen his grip on power. The truth is that president Yoweri Museveni is neither willing to make any concrete moves towards peace nor accept responsibility for his failure to provide peace and security in northern Uganda. He is perfectly willing to prolong the needless agony of
[Ugnet] M7 has had a bellyful of killings? I dont think so.
M7 cannot get enough of killings and lootings. He is by nature a greedy man and a kirra! gook Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Did Amin really kill 300,000 people?
Did Idi Amin really kill 300,000 people? By Timothy Kalyegira Jan 30 - Feb 5, 2005 On January 25, we were once again forced to remember the military coup that brought Idi Amin to power in 1971. Once again, the general summing up of Amin was made; he presided over a reign of terror from 1971 to 1979 in which 300,000 to 500,000 Ugandans perished. That is the general picture in one line of Amins rule. I have never seen any single article, watched TV or heard a single radio programme anywhere question the accuracy of this claim of 300,000 people killed. First, I am in no way validating the regime that wounded the spirit of Uganda and making light of the Ugandans who lost family members and friends during Amins rule. I say this as someone whose family lost many friends and as such, I am not an apologist for Amin. The military government mismanaged Uganda and set us back decades. It was brutal and many people died at the hands of the state. Amin was erratic and dangerous when he felt politically insecure. Because his English was faltering, much of what he said, even if he occasionally made sense, was lost to derision and he was dismissed as a buffoon (which he often was.) MASS MURDERER? Idi Amin relaxes at a swimming pool, in Kampala, during his hey days in the 1970s. I grew up in Entebbe town during the 1970s. I would like to mention something that never ceases to surprise me; the general figure given of the number of people killed by the Amin regime. The estimate of 300,000 to 500,000 strikes me these days as inaccurate. The Amin security services did not go on the sorts of rampages that many assume. They chose their targets and even where they had their excesses, I know for a fact that it would not have risen to 300,000 people. The myths First, let us dispense with the myths. The story that Amin killed his wife Kay Adroa and had her limbs sewn upside down was plainly false. So were many more stories, most of the grimmest ones created by Ugandan exiles to blemish the undoubtedly sordid regime further. Another example is that of Archbishop Janan Luwum who was killed in February 1977. It has been the assumption worldwide that this was one of Amins most heinous crimes; the murder of an innocent religious cleric. However, we were stunned in 1979 after the Tanzanian-led war that deposed Amin when several former Ugandan exiles told their friends, including my parents, that the allegation by Amin that Luwum had been used by these exiles to smuggle arms into Uganda were actually correct. West deceived In June 1977 the International Court of Jurists supplied information from Western intelligence organisations and estimates by Ugandan exile groups. It became the first body to put a figure to the number of people killed by Amin: 300,000. How those estimates were arrived at was never questioned. And anyway, the Ugandan dictator had so infuriated the west and the numbers of the dead were irrelevant; he was a killer, full stop. We must ask: did the Ugandan exile community manipulate the West in 1977 in order to stiffen the Wests resolve to oppose Amin and maybe hasten his downfall? Where have we in recent years heard of a dictator who was painted much darker than he was by an exile group in whose interest it was to set off a western-led coup or invasion? Iraq. Of course. It might be instructive that a prominent Iraqi exile leader, Mr Ahmad Chalabi, working discreetly for the CIA, provided the US government with information on President Saddam Husseins acquisition of weapons of mass destruction and that influenced the March 2003 war. Obviously, Chalabi exaggerated his information in order to mar the already tarnished reputation of Saddam. Thats the way the West is its intelligence agencies are sophisticated; the governments and news media usually thorough; the embassies that cable back information on their host country efficient. But, as many of us have discovered, the west is also quite impressionable and easily deceived. It is not too hard to deceive a Western embassy, as thousands of us do everyday, in order to get visas into their countries. It does not take much to deceive, mislead, or manipulate the West because officials there do not know much about us and usually settle for sketchy information. Back to Amin The date of Amins birth has been lazily put at 1925 and accepted by most people, including world-famous and reputable encyclopedias like Britannica, meaning that he died at the age of 78. Amin was actually born on May 17, 1928. Then as far as the figure of the dead goes, just think about this: for the 1994 Rwandan genocide that was wholly mass and at random, with practically every mans hand against his neighbour, the total deaths are estimated at 800,000. How could the victims of Amins regime, which mainly targeted its political opponents or people from the Acholi and Langi tribes, total 500,000 or even 300,000? I was in Uganda all those years and I would have felt something
[Ugnet] Do Ugandans want another country?
Do Ugandans want another country? On The Mark: With Alan Tacca Do Ugandans want another country? Jan 30 - Feb 5, 2004 In December last year, a Steadman Associates opinion poll revealed some interesting things going on in people's heads in East Africa, about economic and political unity in the region. (See Sunday Monitor, January 9; The Monitor, January 15; The New Vision, January 9.) Unfortunately - perhaps because of New Year distractions and the plague of dry banana leaves that is nearer home than the east African fever - Ugandan commentators have not poached on the Steadman findings as vivaciously as they might have done. There was, for instance, the statistic that confirmed Uganda as the natural home of the slave-wish. Conducted in the regional capital cities of Kampala, Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, and two border towns, the respondents, who overwhelmingly expected Kenya to benefit most from trade opportunities, also expected Uganda to benefit most from employment opportunities. In other words, while Kenya was expected to produce and sell more goods in the region, Uganda was expected to boost its role as an exporter of kyeyo labour. To put it another way, after the giddiness from this old NRM hype about a vision for Uganda as an industrialised, modernised and self-sustaining economy, our people have sobered up and are now resigned to a dream of finding those attributes in other countries. With the queues of visa-seekers for Europe and North American destinations already ridiculous, the Steadman poll suggests that a lot of Ugandans would pour across the border to look for jobs in Kenya if the political federation became a reality. Of the East Africans who planned to seek employment outside their country of origin, 45 percent would go to Kenya, 22 percent to Tanzania, and a miserable 20 percent to Uganda. To confirm the deficit of faith Ugandans had in their own economy, while only 44 percent of Kenyans and 65 percent of Tanzanians wanted a common East African currency, a whopping 82 percent of Ugandans would go for it. There is a set of statistics that should allow President Museveni to sleep with only one eye closed, and get international financiers and policy-makers to sit up and re-examine their assumptions: less than half of Kenyans and even fewer Tanzanians want to pursue higher education in their respective countries, whereas a majority of Ugandans would rather study at home. Indeed, for some years now, a lot of Kenyans and Tanzanians have been flowing into Uganda's educational institutions. And yet, with medicine and nursing among the ruling NRM's pet professions, and inspite of the reputation of the medical schools at Mulago (Makerere) and Mbarara, only 19 percent of East Africans would want to get medical attention in Uganda, 10 percent in Tanzania, and an overwhelming 68 percent in Kenya. Subject to several modifying circumstances, it seems that an education system that multiplies in quantity and quality may turn out to be of limited value to the community if economic and other social development areas are significantly lagging. I am aware that what I am saying has controversial implications. But we are back to the question of politics. The "official" global wisdom is that an educated population (hence heavy investment in this area) will inevitably lead to economic and socio-political improvements. I am not so sure. Perhaps it is a chicken and egg catch. But sometimes I am inclined to the view that economic and socio-political improvements are more certain to lead to a demand - and acquisition of - the skills (education) required, rather than the other way round. Indeed, I figure that a vibrant education system would gradually lose its motivating force if the general society does not reap much value from its products. Even if he sends $200 to his family every month, which of course is welcome, the larger Ugandan community perceives no direct benefit from a Ugandan doctor working in Boston or Nairobi. The Bank of Uganda statistic of over $500 million in foreign exchange earned annually from foreign-based Ugandans is just that - a statistic. Perhaps it means that the rulers may import more guns; perhaps it means mere toys for the privileged; who cares? That is why I believe that the management of a country is a more integrated enterprise than generally supposed. And it is because of Uganda's erratic record on this score that so many Ugandans are in effect (practically and psychologically) looking for another country. The widespread desire to work elsewhere, or for another currency, implies that the conditions at home have led very many Ugandans to feel like "exiles" in their own country. To crown this interpretation, of the respondents in the Steadman poll, more Ugandans (44 percent) than Tanzanians (38 percent) or Kenyans (23 percent) wanted to come under the rule of one regional President. If the Steadman people had asked a series of questions to throw more direct light on the
[Ugnet] The Sad Story of the Nkutus and now M7!
How Nkutus secret grave was identified Jan 28, 2005 In December 2003, a nephew of the Late Nkutu, one Abu Kakaire, of Nakibembe village, Bugweri County, where Nkutu was born, made coincidental contact with one Ibrahim Sengendo, 51, a peasant farmer of Kakola Village, Mijinja, in Semuto, Luwero. They met at the tomato farm of one Stephen Opio, at Nakitende village, Semuto, where Sengendo had gone to borrow a tomato herbicide sprayer from his friend Opio. Kakaire, who had earlier unsuccessfully attempted tomato trade in Kampala, had ended up as a casual labourer in Luwero and had been hired by Opio to spray his tomatoes when he came into contact with Sengendo. During their conversation, Sengendo, on learning that Kakaire was from Iganga district, teased him about why a Musoga from Iganga would come all the way to Luwero only to be a tomato sprayer. An offended Kakaire told Sengendo that while he held a humble station in life, he came from a prominent family in Busoga that had produced Cabinet ministers in every government since independence. He named Wanume Kibedi (Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Amin regime), John Luwuliza Kirunda (Minister of Internal Affairs in the Obote II regime), Kirunda Kivejinja (then Minister for the Presidency in the Museveni government) and Shaban Nkutu (Minister of Works, Housing, Transport and Communications under the first Obote government. Kibedi, Luwuliza and Kivejinja are all nephews of Shaban Nkutu. When he named Shaban Nkutu as a relative, Sengendo, doubting whether Kakaire was truly a member of that family, asked Kakaire where is your uncle Shaban Nkutu nowadays? Kakaire replied that Nkutu had been murdered by Amin in the seventies. Sengendo asked him if he knew where Nkutu had been buried. Kakaire replied that Amin had buried Nkutu at a secret location and that the family had been wounded by not having buried him for over 30 years. Sengendo challenged Kakaire to prove further that he was truly a member of Nkutus family, following which he could reveal details of Shaban Nkutus burial location. Kakaire lacked financial capacity to return to Iganga but eventually left Semuto for Busoga, returning to Semuto in early October 2004 with three of Nkutus sons, Mr Eriyasa Nyende, Mr Suleiman Kiyuba and Mr Awali Magoola, to whom Sengendo revealed that he was a retired long-service grave-digger, formerly employed by Jinja Municipal Council at the Masese Mailo Mbiri Cemetery (1972-87). CRUCIAL WITNESSES: Mr Twaha Magala (C), Nkutus nephew was the last family member to see him alive at Gadaffi Barracks in Jinja. On his left is Mr Experito Kalema and on the right Mr Ibrahim Sengendo who were ordered to bury Nkutu secretly. Sengendo, who was fearful of revealing anything for fear of his safety, advised Nkutus sons that he could only give more information about Nkutus body with the consent of his former Headman at the cemetery, one Experito Kalema, 68, a resident of Nakabango, Kamuli Road, Jinja District, who is also retired. A visit was immediately made by family members to Kalema at his Jinja home. Kalema, who served at the cemetery from 1966-93, was very scared of testifying because I was ordered by the government never to talk about the burial of that minister if I was to remain alive. It took a lot to convince him that since the Museveni government had not had a hand in Nkutus death, it would not kill him for revealing the burial location. Both witnesses were also afraid that the family might unfairly accuse them of involvement in the murder. Following strong assurances to the contrary, Sengendo and Kalema testified that in January 1973, on a date they cannot remember, they and five colleagues (Wilson Lukenge, Michael Serwadda, Joseph Matovu, James Ntalo and Kiviri Ssesavu - all are now deceased except Lukenge) were picked up from the cemetery about 10am by four armed policemen in a police Landrover vehicle and taken to the Jinja Hospital Mortuary, where they were shown the body of an adult male, which had been separated from a heap of other bodies. They say the body was bloated with water and decomposing and had clearly been retrieved from water submersion. They were ordered by the police to ignore the heap of other bodies in the mortuary and to rush this singular body to the cemetery for immediate burial under the record of an unknown person. However they were covertly informed by mortuary staff that the body, which they did not recognise, was that of a former minister called Shaban Nkutu, who had disappeared a few days earlier in Jinja. The witnesses recall clearly that the body was severely bloated by water and the skin was peeling off it in many places. They were unable to establish the possible cause of death by looking at the body, given that they were at gunpoint and under pressure to bury him immediately. But they do recall the colour of the shirt the deceased was wearing as yellow.
[Ugnet] Beware: We could really be headed for a new rebellion
Beware: We could really be headed for a new rebellion By Patrick Matsiko wa Mucoori Jan 27, 2005 It may sound like war mongering to say that Uganda looks inevitably headed for another cycle of armed struggle. But looking at the sequence, circumstances and precursors of our post independence armed struggles and compare it with what is happening today, it would not be farfetched to infer that this country is slowly and certainly sliding into a new rebellion. Apart from the January 25, 1971 coup by the late Idi Amin, the bulk of the subsequent armed struggles germinated after national elections. MEAN GUNS: Striving for peace would eliminate the need for buying expensive arsenal to fight for same peace The 1981-86 National Resistance Army rebellion which catapulted President Yoweri Museveni to power on January 26, 1986, was a result of the disputed 1980 general elections in which Milton Obote acquired a second term as president. I will not draw any comparison from the 1987-88 rebellions by Alice Lakwena's Holy Spirit Movement and the resultant Lord's Resistance Army by Joseph Kony for some reason. Because the two rebellions comprised mainly people from the north who had lost power to southerners, one can safely say they were desperately hoping to regain the status quo. But there is an insurgency trend that has been building up in the last ten years, which suggests that every time Museveni seeks and achieves another presidential term, a new rebellion is born. When Museveni was re-elected in early 1996, the Allied Democratic Forces, which had not been heard of before, made their daring surprise attack in western Uganda in November 1996. They overran Mpondwe border post and held it for two days until they were driven out by the Uganda People's Defence Forces. It took the government about five years to put down the insurgency. Though the ADF was not directly connected to Dr Paul Ssemogerere, whom Museveni defeated in the 1996 polls, the cause of that rebellion cannot be divorced from the anger accumulated from Museveni's re-election. Those who took up arms against him were the opposition who saw his re-election as an attempt to perpetuate himself in power. They were also part of the opposition disappointed by the loss of an election they believed Museveni had made unfree and unfair to their disadvantage but to his benefit. So this gave them a reason to fight. After 1996 there were Movement people who no longer supported Museveni, but who could not take up arms against him because they genuinely believed he would retire in 2001. They patiently waited for the opportunity for them to try a shot at the presidency. But by 2001, Museveni was showing no signs of leaving power. Some of his former bush war colleagues like Col. Dr Kizza Besigye and others deserted the Movement wagon to stand against him. Besigye lost the elections and petitioned court but lost the legal battle too on a 2-3 majority ruling. However, all the five judges of the Supreme Court, including those who ruled in his favour, agreed there had been serious election rigging in various parts of the country. But they also ruled that the amount of rigging was not enough to suggest that if such had not happened the winner would have been Besigye. But the point had been made -- that the elections had been rigged. Perhaps the court could have made a similar ruling in 1980 elections if Museveni had filed an election petition. Museveni's Uganda Patriotic Movement (now National Resistance Movement), won only one seat in Parliament but he went to the bush claiming the elections had been rigged and he wanted to stop such from happening again. So the court could have ruled that though the elections had been rigged, there was no proof that if such cheating had not happened, Museveni would have become the winner. But all the same Museveni used the election rigging and the resultant anger and desperation not only to justify his armed rebellion that cost lives and property for five years, but also to mobilise recruits for his rebellion. Similarly when Besigye lost in 2001, he and his supporters said the elections were rigged. Reports started trickling in that Besigye was organising a rebellion. The government started restricting his movements. He escaped and soon after army officers, Lieutenant Colonels Samson Mande and Anthony Kyakabale deserted the UPDF and declared a struggle against Museveni's government. They cited, among others, election rigging. Another senior UPDF officer Col. Edison Muzoora, and other officers followed them later. Now the country is awash with reports that the said officers in partnership with Besigye are training a rebel group called the People's Redemption Army (PRA). The government strongly believes PRA exists under Besigye-Mande-Muzoora-Kyakabale command. The government has arrested some people it says are members of PRA. The government may not be right on PRA, but neither
[Ugnet] Mao on M7's missives!
Come on, Amelia Kyambadde isnt qualified for the new job By Norbert Mao Jan 23 - 29, 2005 The debate has been raging about the appointment of Mr Adolf Mwesige to the non-existent position of deputy attorney general. Instead of responding in an enlightened way to questions raised, presidential legal assistant Fox Odoi has instead decided to insult all critics, calling them idlers! But the biggest scandal in the recent appointments may actually be the elevation of Ms Amelia Kyambadde to the position of presidential principal private secretary (PPS). Until now she has been a personal assistant to the President. Being around the President for long is not enough to qualify one for the office of PPS. I think the President has a fabulous assistant in Kyambadde. But to jump all ladders and make her occupy a position normally reserved for very senior civil servants is bound to raise eyebrows. APPOINTED: Ms Kyambadde President Museveni has virtually superimposed an informal state atop the one established by the Constitution, yet it is not for nothing that rules are set. A PPS is at the same rank as a permanent secretary and the previous occupants of the position of PPS have been seasoned civil servants who would ensure that there is presidential compliance with the law. Mr Martin Orech was a PPS in Obote II before rising to be head of the civil service. Then came Eng. B.K. Kabanda and Ms Hilda Musubira. Those who were not so senior only held the position in an acting capacity. In that category we had Ms Joan Magezi (a long time international civil servant) and MP Francis Mukama (then an undersecretary). Here is a partial list of the constellation to which Museveni has now cast Kyambadde. Mr Vincent Ssekono (local government), Dr S.P. Kagoda (internal affairs), Mr Martin Odwedo (PM's office), Mr F.X. Lubanga (education), Eng. Kabanda (lands), Mr Ralph Ocan (labour), Musubira (deputy head of the civil service), Mr Alex Mitala (head of civil service), Ambassador J.B. Onen (foreign affairs), Mr Chris Kassami (finance). Can Kyambadde match these heavy hitters? The reason why a PPS must be a person well grounded in the civil service cannot be overemphasised. The President himself one day told MPs an anecdote about the strict compliance that a PPS must enforce. The presidential jet was in Paris and the President had to fly off somewhere. He told Musubira to get him on a commercial flight even if it were in economy class. Musubira flatly told him that would be against the regulations. I am the President and I am directing you to get me on a commercial flight, Museveni told Musubira. I can't do that Mr President, Musubira insisted. But if I must then you have to put your directive in writing stating that you are going against my advice. A PPS must be able to defend the set rules in all circumstances. Another reason why a PPS must be a high level civil servant is to vet the correspondence of the President. During the time I have been in Parliament, I have seen MPs wondering who drafts not only the President's speeches but also his correspondence. Just recently, MPs got copies of a letter the President wrote complaining about the nonsense of Baganda Absentee Landlords in Nakasongola! What was even worse is that the President referred to the Land Act 2000! There is no such law on our statute books. Even the substance revealed prejudice. First of all not all the landlords in Nakasongola are Baganda. There may be many from the President's locality who own huge chunks of land in Nakasongola. Furthermore, words like nonsense are best left to spoken English or informal notes. Before that the President had written a long, rambling and ungrammatical letter addressed to the vice president on the subject of graduated tax. In the first paragraph, the President said graduated tax would have to stay. Further down the letter he said it could be suspended! I have rarely seen a worse example of official correspondence. No wonder there is such confusion over graduated tax policy today. Another example is the President's dress. To attend a king's coronation in military fatigues is inappropriate. Sometimes the President has appeared with winter attire complete with woollen gloves. A serious PPS would advise the President on appropriate attire. A President should not appear like a beekeeper at a coronation. I will leave it for readers to find other examples of highly unprofessional and embarrassing speeches and letters emanating from the presidential quarters. My basic point is that bad presidential speeches (which even the President occasionally criticises publicly) and letters can only come to the public if the President is ill advised. We need a PPS who will see that whatever the President affixes his signature to is worthy of his name and does not degrade the office. Currently, those surrounding the President lack the motivation to tell the President when the pink slip is
[Ugnet] M7's Uganda--MUK experiences Gulus mixed fortunes first hand
MUK experiences Gulus mixed fortunes first handBy Maggie Alerotek AloyoJan 21, 2005 There is always a moment of truth and revelation for many who care to visit Gulu in person to witness the heart-rending happenings. Makerere students, who visited the place during the festive season, confessed that the trip had been an eye-opener for them.After collecting 40 bags of used clothes during what they termed as 'Northern Week Operation', some students under the umbrella of Makerere Social Workers Association requested World Vision to facilitate their trip to Gulu to distribute the clothes to IDPs and children of war. On December 22, twelve students were set for the journey. Except for the chairman who comes from Gulu, it was the first time for the other eleven to experience a four-hour drive, let alone go beyond Kampala. Their lives had been centered around Kampala, practically they are ignorant about areas ravaged by war like northern Uganda. The knowledge they had of Gulu was amassed purely from the media, which in most cases have an agenda.The excitement and eagerness of going to "famous" Gulu was very vivid in their eyes. They could not wait to see the people they had been reading about, and a make personal analysis of their situation. AID FOR GULU: Children jubilate on seeing aid in form of clothes, that MUK students donated to them on their tour of the area (Courtesy photo). Usually when I travel, I love to sleep and explore my dreamland, this time I couldn't due to the thousands of questions being thrown at me by the inquisitive students. They wanted to know whether people freely move around, how they dress, . on and on the questions went. I answered those I could and I advised them to find the answers for the others once they got there.They marvelled as we crossed the beautiful waters of Karuma Falls. They swore that Uganda's picturesque beauty was unmatched. "I am glad World Vision accepted to facilitate the trip," said Miriam, one of the students.The driver knowing the students wanted to discover as much as possible, drove at a reasonably slow speed so nothing would escape their attention.When we crossed into Gulu District, Bobi IDPs camp spread before our eyes. Telling them that's one of the IDPs camps brought an increased scrutiny of the place. 'How many people live there? Where do they get food, water and medical care? Are they secure in those kinds of shelter?' I explained that there are aid agencies who help."Then why not build proper shelters, those ones may collapse any moment and cannot accommodate many people." I replied that there are more than two million displaced people whose needs can't be met sufficiently due to limited resources. It was obvious that the students were saddened by the inhuman stage of the IDPs. This was just one of the many surprises - more heart-rending ones awaited them in Gulu. As we left the camp, nothing much was said, everyone was deep in thought. We arrived in Gulu town without them knowing. When I announced we were already in Gulu, they jerked up in big shock. For a moment they were not in agreement with what they were seeing: people resiliently moving around, the liveliness the town presented itself came as a big shock!"Wow! Gulu is a very lovely place. Looks like no war is going on. So busy, eh!" mused Maria."If it were not for the war it would be very developed. Many are still alive," responded Bernard.We proceeded to Sunset Hotel where we spent the night. After a few minutes rest, James, World Vision Manager Gulu, invited us to party at Acholi Inn where the students had fun and were amazed that despite the difficult circumstances the people still afford to enjoy themselves and thought it very encouraging.It was a merry night at Acholi Inn, the World Vision staff commended the students for their exemplary deeds and wished all would emulate them.The 'honeymoon' was short lived as visiting the night commuters' centre was next on the agenda. As we made our way to the centre, the commuters were trekking their way to various locations to get a place for the night.This sight was heart breaking: Children with sleeping mats balanced on their heads, older ones and child mothers with little ones on their backs, all headed to a 'secure' place.As the students sadly watched, their eyes became misty with tears. I myself could hardly contain my emotions; we freely shed tears for these people.At this point, they all had difficult questions I had no adequate responses to: 'Where are their homes? How long do you think they have been walking? Are they given food at the sleeping centres? Is this what they go through everyday?'We went to the centre briefly where the caretaker told us how on cold rainy days the kids arrive at the centre wet and shivering, only to be welcomed to the cold sleeping polythene paper."That's the kind of life they go through. They come and go back on empty stomachs because we have no money to [buy food to] feed them," he said.The
[Ugnet] Museveni's Precarious Political Background
Museveni's Precarious Political Background M7 frantic pursuit of Kisanja, a fifth term, is much more out of desperation and frustration for miserably failing to achieve a living legacy status like some leading personalities have been able to do so, to wit, Nelson Mandela, Julius Nyerere, Manhattan Gandhi, Mao De sung, Martin Luther King Jr., Kwame Nkurumah and a handful of others These are men who turned the period of their leadership into iconic epochs while they lived. The demise of communism/socialism at the beginning of the past decade witnessed the dissipation of M7's megalomaniac dreams of turning into an iconic revolutionary on our continent and beyond. Overnight the man found himself with the tough choice of embracing the winning Western ideology which, espouses a relatively more open democracy than the discredited socialism/communism to which M7 had bargained all his formative years in a bid to master the art of this ideology. This was the ideology of revolutionaries at the time when a young and an over ambitious M7 was arming himself with the tools of leadership. Thus, an energetic M7 in the late 60's entered the Ugandan political scene from Dar es Salaam, a center priding itself of churning out fire brand socialists at the time, confident of doing even better than his mentor Julius Nyerere. But, considering that M7 is a Ugandan by naturalization and given the strong socialist dogma he was pursuing with unmitigated zeal, the man would rudely discover in the immediate post-Amin era that he could not survive in a fully fledged Western democracy, in Uganda. Firstly, Ugandans, just like any community, detest to be ruled by individuals of recent adoption to their country. Their dislike of immigrant rulers can not be considered misplaced because such leaders would have little or no regard to our endeared national, as well as, community values and interests. And M7 is still around to vindicate these fears. Secondly, and equally important, socialism failed, miserably, to find a home in Uganda. Therefore, as early as 1980, a year after M7's dramatic debut on the Ugandan political scene at very high level, just a level below the Presidency, he embarrassingly failed a basic test of Western democracy. The above mentioned limitations in M7's political designs impacted an indelible toll to his political career when M7 lost in a Parliamentary election which is likely to be the only fair and free election the man shall ever participate in. Understandably, M7 took the lessons of that debacle very serious and since then it is now apparent that he vowed never to gamble his political fortunes along honest democratic principles. Museveni's Distortion of Western Democracy So, upon the universal collapse, 4 years after M7's ascension to power in 1986, of the ideology he had hoped would propel him to the pinnacle of his dreams, M7's embrace of the Western democracy became inevitable. But, in order to survive long enough to fulfill his wild dreams of gaining international recognition and stature as that of the likes of the Mandelas, the man has had to distort Western democracy to literally unrecognizable forms. Thus, he engineered this awkward brand of politics, the Movement politics. But, the passage of time has unmasked this political fraud, exposing its totalitarian tendencies such that its practice is no longer tenable. Unsurprisingly, therefore, we are witnessing the drama of its inevitable death. This loss of the Movement political cloak is laying bare M7 vulnerability to true democratic practices and the signs of desperation, characterized by misjudgments, particularly, as the need to shifts allies becomes imperative and urgent; unbridled threats of his opponents; crude manipulation of the vestiges of democracy to be found in the country; and the repudiation from his erstwhile staunch supporters and allies are becoming increasingly prominent and common. The much orchestrated crowning of opinion leaders/chiefs as kings within a particular established Kingdom notably Buganda, is an impulsive reaction from a man losing very fast the political base on which he has built his veiled dictatorship for the past 20 years. M7 seems intent on punishing Buganda, his misused base since his guerrilla days, by trying to undermine its sovereignty through whipping the susceptible emotions of diversity found in this region. Apparently, the Baganda, a vital base for any political establishment in the country, have had enough of M7's lies and deceptions. Significantly, Buganda happens to be the vanguard and pillar of the Federal agitation in the country for reasons they have persistently and competently urged. Yet, M7 wouldn't support Federalism in Uganda or any part of it because this is the only form of governance that strengthens democracy at all tiers of governance in the country. Taking a leaf from the socialist leaders of yester years M7's has known it
[Ugnet] Torture victim dies
Torture victim dies By Hudson Apunyo Jan 20, 2005 LIRA - One of the people tortured by the Local Defence Unit (LDU) militia in Obim Parish, Apala sub-county is dead.The camp leader of Obim Rock IDP camp, Mr Sam Kalyegira, 43, said the LDUs of Golf Battalion on Christmas Day beat up civilians accusing them of making noise. He said the soldiers started beating up whoever they could find outside before 8pm.Kalyegira said when he inquired as to why they were beating people, they became furious and fired at him three times accusing him of being disobedient but the bullets only caught the legs. The camp leader identified the victims as Mr Odyeny Nelson, Mr CP. Emur, Mr Sam Odyek and Mr Emuna Opito who died last week. Kalyegira said the Brigade Intelligence Officer visited the place and some soldiers were arrested though they were released after some days. © 2005 The Monitor Publications. Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Element of fear frantically orchestrating the kisanja
Element of fear frantically orchestrating the kisanja By F.D.R.Gureme Jan 20, 2005 Last time I promised to narrate the germ of the ekisanja aberration. I will now try. I want to register annoyance by some inane stuff written about, among others, me by one glorified merry-andrew. I have, occasionally, been offended by odd birds; and close to being the remains of a mongrels' meal; or just escaped gashes of a wild pig's tusks. I have not yet become taboo to royalty. Thus, I have visited and curtsied to King Ronald Mutebi, a few times, and occasionally greeted Prince John Barigye, with an entirely clean conscience. MOVT SPOKESMAN: Ofwono Opondo Most bootlickers do minimal thinking and research: as they spend much of their time mechanically repeating the same Emperor's praising chorus. Admittedly, some of the fanatics do occasionally think! I derive great amusement in the antics of dedicated Ofwono Opondo. Not very long ago, he was a senior reporter (and a mundane one at that) within the productive wizardry of William Pike. Fate decreed that Ofwono be the official spokesman of the Movement. I am reliably informed that whatever he wants published, regardless of texture and quality, The New Vision must reproduce without crossing a "t" or dotting an "i"; preferably the same day, even if it means putting profitable advertisements on hold. Clearly also Ofwono's newfound power has gone to his head. It will have been in this poise and nerve that, in the Sunday Monitor of January 9, attempting to reduce us to his comportment level, Mr Ofwono, in characteristic profanity, accused "professional political biographers: " internationally renowned analyst Charles Onyango Obbo, predominant TV host Andrew Mwenda and me, of championing the philosophy of the President appointing and glorify his bedfellows, relatives and in-laws! I will not eulogise Charles and Andrew, as their works eloquently vindicate them; and I believe Ofwono should emulate their original, tidy and independent thinking. Fortunately the accusations against me, I do believe, have not brought me close to avoiding crowned kings and being barred from their presence either. How many times have I said that Ntare old boys (and the Nairobi financier group to NRM) held too many big jobs relative to their sparse numbers; Who has wondered about the accelerated promotion (and training out of turn) of the President's son now commanding his father's excessively facilitated protection troops; Who has questioned the identity and strength of the Reserve Force: commanded by the President's half brother once or twice pronounced "retired" and as often, resurfaced to high command; Who complained about a spineless parliament docilely acquiescing to the reappointment of two ministers, close associates of the President, earlier censured for corrupt practices and dismissed. Surely Mister Ofwono will have to do a little more research to "uncover" some of my political sins and weaknesses. Sadly for him, they will not include advocacy of patronage and nepotism, nor indeed corruption. Some years ago, and in a gaffe, Ofwono Opondo attempted to establish that I was anti-Movement: because I nostalgically missed Amin, who had, according to Ofwono allocated me a shop; where Ofwono had, as a schoolboy, sipped sodas with his peers. It was Leo Sebweze, proprietor and Chief Editor of the deeply analytical, London printed Uganda Review Newsletter (I believe John Nagenda and I are among the few Ugandans who know it and get a regular copy) who, through The Monitor, told Ugandans, that my dear wife Christine (bless her soul) and I, had rented the shop from Pan African Insurance Company, before ever Amin took power, and later swore me in as Minister of Tourism and Wildlife: which ministry I had earlier designed, courtesy of Head of the Civil Service Zerubaberi Bigirwenkya. Museveni himself might testify that I, Francis Gureme, would not accept, forget solicit, favours from unprincipled fellows: the likes of Idi Amin. However, after the "shop gift" bloomer I, obviously vainly, believed that I would risk no more "bites" of the likes of: Ofwono, whom I now specifically request to stop attempting to tarnish respectable writers', not to say his betters', good names. The genesis of the Ekisanja: Having vividly embossed the annoyance fanatical lickspittles may cause respectable writers, I propose to trace the progress of Museveni's desperate vim to secure the life presidency, incongruously styled "ekisanja." According to Ntare School old boys I have interviewed, Museveni loves to be top dog. As early as that time he is remembered to have confided to some people that one day he would be president. As Director of the Uganda International Conference Centre (later renamed after its catering wing as "Nile Hotel") I hosted other directors including that of the Arusha International Conference Centre, formerly President Nyerere's press secretary, and later Tanzania's Deputy Permanent
[Ugnet] He who does not wash his face, won't wash his
Ear to the Ground By Charles Onyango Obbo He who does not wash his face, won't wash his Jan 19, 2005 Driving around Kampala, and travelling on the highway beyond the Kibuye roundabout (except to Entebbe) and Jinja today, leaves me - and I imagine other like-minded people of my generation - with a feeling I last had in 1985.I returned to Uganda in July 1985. I had no plans to stay around for long, but that changed a handful of hours later when Milton Obote was overthrown in a coup. Uganda at that time was a difficult place.I had left a few months after my little brother Richard and I survived a panda gari swoop by the Uganda National Liberation Army, who were hunting down suspected Museveni's rebels and their collaborators. It was to be Richard's (and other family members) most traumatic experience; but not mine.More than two years later, little had changed. There were still panda gari swoops. Wild gunshots were still going off in Kampala at night, as was the mad rush of frightened people. When the stampedes would die down, the streets would always be the same. Shoes - mostly women's dropped in flight - would be strewn along the street. There was the occasional watch, papers scattered from a fallen file, an old car that couldn't start abandoned with its doors opened, vendors' wares scattered all over, and on some days a frightened child left behind wailing uncontrollably. Potholes, dust, are the bane of Ugandas roads. Can this be cause for unease? (File photo). Yet it didn't surprise me a lot that those scary scenes were still taking place on the streets. And the sounds of gunshots in the night gave many people a strange sense of comfort. For, as they used to say, if you heard the gunshot, then you could rest in the knowledge that it wasn't you who had been killed.Somehow, though, I had expected that at least the streets would be clean. That there would be fewer potholes, and public buildings would have been painted. No, they were all worse. I remembered I was particularly depressed by the dust and peeling paint on the buildings around Nakasero Market and the southern face of the then Uganda Telecommucation building along Entebbe Road, than the fear that still ruled Kampala's streets.This might sound unusual, but if a country that has been through chaos and decline begins to fix its potholes and paint public buildings (particular ministry offices, police and army barracks), it gives more hope than anything else. There are several reasons for this. It's a selfless act to fix potholes, because even if the rulers might do so so that they have a comfortable drive, you and I too get to enjoy a smooth ride. And when government buildings are painted, you know that the regime worries about what the citizens think of it. They are bothered that the people might be wondering whether they can manage a country, given that they can't manage a small building.A government that cares enough to white wash buildings and fix potholes, will be conscientious enough about what the people think of the actions that it takes out of public view; things like stealing public money or distributing jobs to people because they are from your village. For, as a man of great wisdom once told me, he who doesn't wash his face and brush his teeth, which are in public view, is unlikely to wash his buttocks that are hidden by his trousers. From the late 1980s, through to about 1998, it was a pleasure to drive many parts of southern, eastern, and western Uganda. If you were a passenger, you could enjoy marathon sleep on a drive from Malaba border point, and reach Kabale without being woken up by the car dropping violently into a pothole. That is no longer possible even in Kampala.You might even forgive potholes, because sometimes even with the best of intentions, after the European Union, the World Bank, and I don't know who else pays for our roads have forked out the money, heavy rains will create gulleys in them.The dust, however, is maddening. You drive along these roads, and in the suburbs of Kampala and the townships are covered in red dust. Uganda's soil is its blessing. But it is hell too. Its dust rises fast, carries far, and is ugly when it settles. Drive off the main road in Masaka, and see it sitting on banana leaves in the gardens, then you will appreciate. The problem is made worse because, as a nation, we aren't great planters of grass, flowers, or trees - except in our personal compounds. Our small towns are bare. No trees, and only a little grass. In many of them, the earth stares menacingly at you. And nearly everything is stained or covered in red/brown. Beautiful office blocks built by private investors and grand homes continue to come up. But this only draws attention to the filthy and dusty surroundings. And it tells us that local governments, municipal authorities, and the Central Government, are moving in the opposite direction, because the things they are supposed to look after are in decay.Some
[Ugnet] Go to the Bush-- M7 a Thief!--says Byanyima.
Go to the bush, says Byanyima Mzee BONIFACE BYANYIMA is the national chairman of the Democratic Party, but he has decided to quit active politics because it is too dirty. He gave BENON HERBERT OLUKA insights into why he thinks President Museveni is standing in the way of democracy: When did you become DP chairman?Byanyima: In 1984, but I never went back to Parliament. In 1980 DP asked me to stand but I refused. Elections in Uganda are not free. People persecute you because you belong to another party. BONIFACE BYANYIMA But you are still DP chairman?Byanyima: I have been looking for ways of getting out completely. I dont want Uganda politics anymore. What does it mean being in the opposition in Uganda?Byanyima: It is not safe because the government doesnt like opposition. They harass the opposition; deny them jobs, they persecute them and sometimes kill them. They hate you for nothing, just because you dont like the bad things they are doing. They are selfish, they are greedy, they steal government property, they grab land and misuse government money. When you complain about that, they look for ways of destroying you. That is why in 1980 I didnt want to go into politics again. I told my children never to go into Uganda politics.But your children are in politics?Byanyima: What can I do? They have a right to do what they want. I cant stop them if they see something going wrong; if they think the regime is oppressive. Did Milton Obote torment you as an opposition politician?Byanyima: Not torment. But they discriminated against me. Say, if I wanted to do some business; if they had a luncheon for politicians, I wouldnt get an invitation. I felt very lonely because I was not treated as the UPC members of parliament. How would you compare the treatment of the opposition under Obote and Museveni?Byanyima: Obote didnt commit excesses like Museveni. I dont remember Obote sending troops outside Uganda without knowledge of Parliament like Museveni did in D.R. Congo. I dont remember any incident where Obote brought imported gold, timber and other things from Congo to Uganda. Where we suspected that sort of thing to have happened, we brought a motion in Parliament through [Daudi] Ochieng and even ministers supported the motion. Obotes government could work with the opposition when they saw something was wrong, which is not the case with Museveni. What did Obote achieve?Byanyima: Obote managed to maintain some semblance of parliamentary government; he used to like the parliamentary system. He also did bad things but you could see the parliamentary system was working. Museveni doesnt care about parliament. He does things behind parliament... Obote was trying to encourage the parliamentary system, Museveni is trying to destroy it. Musevenis men are doing what they want; parliament is just a piece of paper... Whenever Museveni wants to do anything dirty he brings a referendum... He doesnt allow people to vote peacefully. He brings the army to supervise elections, to suppress free and fair voting. Obote didnt do that... You cant talk of getting democracy in Uganda until Museveni is removed. There is no democracy when we are holding elections regularly? Byanyima: Elections must be free and fair. Musevenis elections can never be free and fair. It is like a war, government fighting against its own people. Museveni brings his candidate and says, You people vote for this one. If you dont vote for this one, we shall beat you. Those are not elections. Where has that happened?Byanyima: Here in Mbarara when Karangwa [my daughter Winnie Byanyima] stood against Ngoma Ngime. Museveni brought a man from Busoga and said, Vote for this man or else you will not receive services from me. Soldiers beat people opposing Ngoma Ngime. But Mbarara people were very stubborn. They opposed Musevenis candidate... Even money, Musevenis candidates get government money but the other people who oppose Musevenis candidate do not get money. Is that money personal? So what can be done to make things right?Byanyima: To remove Museveni. You are a young man, why dont you go to the bush? Museveni cannot be removed by elections. That would cause suffering like the insurgency in northern Uganda?Byanyima: It will, but if you want Uganda to be a free country, you have got to fight for freedom. How about the opposition winning elections?Byanyima: They are not strong enough, because they are divided. There is division in the Democratic Party. Some people are causing unnecessary division. The other problem is that the party has not been working. I dont know whether the DP has got support in rural areas. Where is Uganda going?Byanyima: The present government is taking us deeper and deeper into dictatorship and increasing his powers of one-man rule. This referendum [provision] they inserted into the Constitution, he will use it to do anything he wants. The people in parliament, he can use them the way he likes. That is why he put
[Ugnet] See what happens when two govts rule Uganda?
Ear to the Ground Charles Onyango ObboSee what happens when two govts rule Uganda? Jan 12, 2005 An Antonov cargo plane takes off from Old Entebbe airport, the Airforce base, and crashes about 15 minutes later killing the six people on board, two of them Russians, last Saturday.Sure as night follows, two days later good old Monitor reveals it was conducting illegal trade operations without the knowledge of the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA).The Monitor revealed that the plane had been carrying passengers and goods to and from DR Congo without permission from the Defence ministry, CAA or the Uganda Air Cargo Corporation. And the story goes on, and on. Why is everyone not surprised?Ideally, the Old Airport should be the most secure in the country. That a plane should operate out of there without the authority of the Ministry of Defence, tells us a lot about the shift of real power in Uganda. What has been happening in Uganda is what some people have called the privatisation of the state the state and government are turned into the private property of a few people with powerful positions in the ruling party (NRM-O) and State House. They are above the control of the formal government bodies, and they use their power to enrich themselves.In Uganda this has happened in many ways. The one that interests here is how privatisation and economic liberalisation were manipulated by the powerful to create this situation. The privatisation process has been abused in Uganda so much, that in many cases most state companies and resources (like licences) have not gone to bona fide businesses, but to friends and relatives of the Big Men. These fellows have either then sold the licences for a killing, or built up the business with a respectable foreign investor (with them remaining as silent shareholders).It is for reasons like these, that privatisation has got a bad name in Uganda. This has led commentators like The Monitors Andrew Mwenda to argue that liberalisation and the free market have been discredited in Uganda, because they have only ended up in creating new patronage networks for the regime. Well, yes, and no. BIG BUSINESS AT UCHUMI: Liberalisation has brought in many foreign business institutions, some paying high taxes into the government coffers. Some, however, dodge taxes because of having links with big men in govt. The case of the tragic Antonov carrying allegedly smuggled goods, suggests that what is happening in Uganda is different. Because at this stage in Uganda, the people who hold most key jobs are pro-government fellows, you would expect that they should not be bothered that the businesses owned by other pro-government business people are not playing by the rules. But CAA, for example, sounds unhappy that the Antonov was flying without its permission, and the Ministry of Defence, the citadel of the ruling Movement loyalists, also doesnt know, and they are not bothering to cover up.This is because what happened in Uganda, at first, was the conversion of government bodies into partisan organisations. What happened is that some key leaders in key regulatory and executive agencies like the CAA, the URA, the Communications Commissions, the Privatisation Unit (PU), and the Central Bank were selected on the basis of their being good Movement cadres and regime loyalists. The reality is that while elements in PU might ensure that a privatised company goes to a regime cohort over and above the deserving bidders, some Movement cadres at the URA will, at some point, have to collect taxes from some of these pro-government companies.The CAA finds that it must, in some cases, insist that airlines operating in the country meet the rules. If they didnt do, the cadres at URA would soon be out of a job as there would no money to pay their salaries. And the ones at CAA would have to go home, because if you are not regulating the aviation sector, then why should you exist? The logic of the state, even where its functions have been privatised, is that they must perform some of the roles they were set up to do, or else the government they are serving would cease to exist in the long run.Therefore Big Men have been quick to realise that even when you privatise the state, and turn liberalisation into a redistribution programme to party loyalists and relatives, there still remains enough tension and controls to interfere with your ability to have absolute power. The result is that about four years ago they came up with a new plan to de-institutionalise the state instead.De-institutionalisation in Uganda is the process by which the regulatory powers of the state are being transferred to private businesses owned by selected regime supporters. This is different from just having private businesses owned by ruling party people operating above the law. Take the broadcast industry. There is talk of privatising the granting of broadcasting licences, for example. The industry, I am informed, however believes
[Ugnet] Split Tororo, ex-PM Etyang urges President Museveni
M7's divide and rule politics. These people have been living peaceful for ages without any problem. Why would there be a problem now simply to "strengthen" the NRM rule in the district. Did NRM come to dive or to unite the people of Uganda? In Buganda we get the Baruli being pitted against the Main stream Baganda, in Bunyoro, the Bakinga against the Banyoro, now in Tororo the Banyore, Iteso against the Japs! Ugandans should better wake up to this silly tricks of divide and rule. It was an old colonial trick used to divide us. Now the "Banyakitura" have adopted it to lord it over us for ever? gook Split Tororo, ex-PM Etyang urges President Museveni By Paul Okaramedo FORMER Third Deputy Prime Minister Paul Orono Etyang has advised President Yoweri Museveni to split Tororo into three districts to strengthen Movement support in the region. Etyang was recently addressing Movement supporters chairpersons from 24 sub-counties at the resident district commissioners home. He said Tororo residents believed that splitting the district was the best reward the President could give them for their support in the last elections. The Banyole and the Iteso tribes want to become autonomous in the management of their affairs but the Japadhola have rejected the idea of dividing the district. National Political Commissar Dr. Crispus Kiyonga is yet to release the findings of a probe into disharmony in Tororo. Published on: Monday, 10th January, 2005 Email this article to a friend. Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] End victimisation of the relatives of our political enemies
Is Joseph Musasizi Kifefe paying for Besigye's political sins - Original Message - From: International Lobby for Reform in Uganda [ILORU] Subject: 2005. End victimisation of the relatives of our political enemies Editor The Monitor Kamala 2005: End the victimisation of the relatives of our political "enemies" As the year 2004 came to a close, and as Ugandans stooped double in sorrow and prayed at Professor Tiberondwa's funeral, President Museveni saw the occasion as a perfect opportunity to deliver his characteristic threat to "fight" his "enemies" when he said he had "attended Prof. Adonia Tiberondwa's funeral service to pay respect to the widow, Mary, not UPC. If you are an enemy, you want to kill me, [to destroy my future, to ruin the country]. I fight you" (See. "Museveni sorry for Tiberondwa, not UPC", the New Vision, 27 December 2004). There is sad and tragic irony in Museveni's "kill-them" instinct when it comes to his "political" enemies and, as graphic examples have shown, their blood relatives. Although save for Dr Kizza Besigye who was Museveni's personal doctor during the bush war, Museveni regards Dr Apollo Obote as his enemy in-chief, and although Obote's army, the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) was reputed for its brutality against all Ugandans generally, and in particular against the National Resistance Army (NRA) and anyone remotely associated with them; they [UNLA] showed an extraordinary exception to the rule and [ACTUALLY] spared president Museveni's mother father, Esteri Kokundeka and Mzee Amos Kaguta! It was widely reported that Obote had ordered the ULNA not to harm the couple in any way. That Esteri Kokundeka and Amos Kaguta survived the bush war, and Museveni has never complained that they were harassed, is a revealing testimony to this extraordinary contradiction in Obote, the so-called "killer" .That is not all. According to one NRA [historical] , as the war intensified against Obote's government, the ex-president allowed the "mother Bandit", Esteri Kokundeka, to travel to Ssemuto in Bulemezi where she met her "sons" Salim Saleh and Yoweri Museveni. She reportedly told them that as a Christian, she was opposed their actions because they were killing many innocent lives. She returned to her home where she peacefully spent her days until her sons overthrew the "killers" Obote then General Tito Okello in turn. On 14 November 2001, Mrs Kaguta died "naturally", aged 84. Today, she is immortalised in "Maama Esteri Kokundeka Memorial Primary School" in Rwenkanja parish, Kashaari. Her husband, Amos, is assured of a similar passage and place in our history, hopefully. Sadly, their experiences contrast sharply with those of other Ugandans who, like them, are or were the products of the accident of birth, which placed them in the same families with our national political figures. For example, unlike the Kagutas, the following individuals have found themselves on the firing line simply because Museveni considers their relatives as "enemies" who want to [destroy my future]. Mzee George Mugisha, Anne Mugisha's father; Robert Mande, Patrick Omugisha Mamenero, Dennis Mamenero, Patrick Muhumuza, William Mamenero and Willie Byamugisha, Colonel Samson Mande's relatives; John Baroda and Kirasha, Colonel Anthony Kyakabale's cousins; Mzee Stanley Opeto-Akaki and "Imat" Pulisikia Achen, Dr Apollo Obote's father and mother; and Master Anselm Kyamufumba and Joseph Musasizi Kifefe, Dr Kizza Besigye's son and brother. While some of these individuals are facing treason and possible death penalty, others have already been summarily executed without the benefit of a trial for the privilege of being related national figures opposed to Museveni. Consider these cases for example: In 1986, Milton Obote's 90 year old father Mzee Stanley Opeto was brutally tortured by government soldiers who smashed his skull, killing him instantly. Shortly afterwards, more soldiers came and sexually assaulted Obote's 86-year old mother, "Imat Puli", then murdered her in cold blood. Having conducted a kangaroo trial of the victims, a Kampala daily paper "triumphantly" announced it its judgement and reported that they had been "killed by the [local] people who blamed them for giving birth to a bad child". Given President Museveni's oft-repeated public denunciations of Obote as a "killer" the only [local] people who could have had the reason to kill Obote's parents in revenge would be Movement leaders and supporters in Maruzi. One day a competent court will establish the truth of the matter. In July, July 2002, Patrick Mamenero was murdered while in CMI custody. According to the death certificate, he died of injuries inflicted by a blunt instrument. The CMI interrogators reportedly said that he was Col. Samson Mande's cousin, another enemy of Museveni's. On 28 Jul 2003, Dr Kizza Besigye's three-year old son, Anselm Kyamufumba was detained at Katuna Rwanda-Uganda border. Earlier, On 7 December 2001, CMI
[Ugnet] Ugandan in the 21th century -20 years after nra/m revolution?
I SAW IT: Mr Simon Kabyemera, 49, a charcoal maker who was in the forest, narrates how the plane crashed. Crashed plane had smuggled cargo By Frank Nyakairu Jan 10, 2005 As Raisi Mutukufu M7 jets himself around the globe in a Gulf Stream 2, This Ugandan seems to have been reduced to a primitive cave man by the NRA/M revolution! Look at his primitive tools, his attire, his starved body! And yet some people are talking of giving our man a 3rd , 5th term to fulfill his "Vision"? What "vision" is this that reduces people to a primitive existence?This Ugandan is just a few kilometers outside Kampala the capital city and Etebbe the second largest city! How do the citizens in Nakapiripit look like? Homonoids Africanus Ramapithicus? Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Cry, hope for the bleeding country
Hello Mr. President By David Ouma Balikowa Cry, hope for the bleeding country Jan 8, 2005 Ugandans ushered in the New Year on yet another false start. A week before, they had come close to peace in northern Uganda only to elude them, courtesy of stubborn wills both on the rebel and government sides.But all is not lost yet. Both the rebels and government seem to have come to a conviction that war will not deliver the desired results for either party. War will not beget the LRA power. Neither will government deliver peace to the bleeding region through military means. Last year when the Sudanese rebels, the SPLA reached an understanding with the Khartoum regime, there was a sense of relief on the Ugandan side of the border. The feeling was that the Ugandan rebels, the LRA would lose their supply lines and hence their ability to wage war.The optimism kicked post-war plans into motion. The donor community saw their next challenge as how to help the war-torn north recover from the scars of war.Business people too have been busy laying plans on how to make money in post war Uganda and Sudan.I recall sounding some caution to some of the parties above. Even if the peace deal materialised, it would take some time and hard work before peace reigned fully in the region. It would take a lot of good will and patience on both sides to allow peace to hold.I also warned that signing peace agreements is the easiest thing for an African president or rebel leader to do. Even before the ink on their signatures dries, they will have resumed hostilities. It is often better to get to the heart of hostilities than rushing to appendage signatures on peace agreements.To this extent, the LRA perhaps did the right thing not to sign a peace deal they were not prepared to respect soon after. It was better to iron out the stinging issues instead of hoodwinking the world by signing a deal they would have violated the next day. So as the country sobs over the missed peace opportunity, chances are that war would still have resumed even after signing the peace deal.Some opposition politicians have been quick to remind the country of how in 1985 President Museveni, then a rebel, signed a peace agreement with then president, the late Gen Tito Okello Lutwa even when he was not ready to abide by it. President Okello addressing the nation soon after his return from signing the peace agreement in Nairobi, proudly announced -- to the disbelief of everyone -- that government had de-fanged the snake (the Museveni's NRA). It turned out too that Museveni had simply used the cover of peace talks to put final plans on his push to capture Kampala.The history above teaches us that it is not so much the signing of peace agreements as the spirit behind that matters. If the latest peace efforts failed, it could be because the spirit to end the war is still lacking. Failure by the rebels to sign the peace agreement as scheduled was for example not enough reason for government to resume hostilities. What is a month or two of waiting where 18 years of fighting has failed to achieve peace?The war might have resumed but all is not yet lost. The recent peace attempts were a major stride in the right direction. It softened the ground between both sides for yet another attempt.Who would have ever imagined a senior government minister like Dr Ruhakana Rugunda going to the bush to meet LRA top rebels? Or legislators and civic leaders rubbing shoulders with the much feared rebel commanders? It demonstrates that peace could be achieved if both parties are genuine and made realistic demands.Government should for example not insist so much on rebels assembling in any designated area prior to signing the peace agreement. That should instead be one of the peace outcomes, not a precondition. In the real world, no rebel would do that unless they want to surrender. The LRA did not certainly send all their fighters to the designated assembling peace zone. Any claim by the LRA to that effect is hot air.In order to sustain the peace initiative, confidence building must be stepped up. Government is proposing joint monitoring teams between the LRA and UPDF. This is a commendable suggestion the rebels should seize since it is them that are most wary of being tricked.The international community should also seize the opportunity to engage the LRA in dialogue. The rebels need external encouragement and talking to sections of the donor community would help them gain recognition and confidence. Contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED] © 2005 The Monitor Publications Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] We should be serious about peace with LRA
We should be serious about peace with LRABy Prof. Dani W. NabudereJan 7, 2005 The ceasefire agreement that was to be signed by the Uganda government and the LRA on the December 31, 2004 has stalled. We do not want to enter the debate whether some parties within UPDF are gaining from the continuation of the war and the possibility that they may have sabotaged the process.This is a truism, which all Ugandans know about the UPDF. The UPDF itself knows that there were some officers who were benefiting from the war in the form of maintaining "ghost soldiers" on the army pay role, which is a criminal offence. We have not received a report from the General Tinyefuza inquiry and so the UPDF is in no position to deny the EU representatives allegations on this matter. The important thing for Ugandans is that the peace process must continue and the suffering of the people of Acholi ended. It is heartening that Ms Betty Bigombe is maintaining the contacts with the LRA and Kony in particular. The efforts to restart the process should be pursued as a matter of urgency and it is to be hoped a comprehensive agreement can be signed early 2005.What is troubling is that President Yoweri Museveni saw it fit to order the immediate resumption of military operations without giving the LRA time to consult on a legal document, which the government took time to draft with the help of lawyers, particularly when the document was delivered just a day before they were expected to sign it. Internal affairs minister Dr Ruhakana Rugunda shares a light moment with chief negotiator Betty Bigombe Surely fairness and a sense of natural justice demands that they be given equal opportunity like the government to consult their legal experts to enable them to reach a conclusion that can result in a comprehensive agreement with the government.Moreover, the President in his New Year statement put forward what appeared to be new preconditions for negotiations. He said that the resumed operations "would not cease again until Kony's group irreversibly commit themselves to come out of the bush." Surely that precludes any possibility of a general ceasefire, which is a precondition to negotiated settlement through peace talks. Moreover, Kony and his rebel army cannot "irreversibly commit themselves to come out of the bush" before negotiations are successfully concluded and a peace agreement signed. In our opinion, such rush decision taken by the President on the very day the agreement was supposed to be signed even without hearing from the other side suggests that the NRM government does not want to pursue peace talks but instead wants to persist in their wrong policy of trying to "defeat" the rebels militarily. This has proved impossible so far and there is no evidence that the President has a new plan to enable him to perform better against the rebels. Furthermore, his two-pronged new strategy of "talking outside and fighting inside," is contradictory. In the first place, it demonstrates a lack of trust in the process of negotiation that is bound to poison the atmosphere of any successful peace talks. The approach undermines the peace process in its tracks. Furthermore, in order to talk to the rebels outside the country, requires third-party mediation and not just a peace negotiator such as Betty Bigombe. For such a mediator to agree to get involved will require a demonstration that the government seriously wants the peace talks to take place and a general ceasefire would be required before they can agree to mediate.The President also indicated what he called four "issues of substance" involved to be recognized as a basis for any relations with the LRA. The first was for Kony to stop violence and accept the democratic process in place, including the transition towards multipartysim. The second was "how to bring about reconciliation between Kony's group on one hand and the Acholi people, especially the victims of Kony's terror campaign." In this respect, he entertained the possible use of the traditional method Mato Oput, which he promised would be looked into. In this respect, he tried to avoid the issue of reconciliation between the parties in combat, which is the real purpose of the traditional technique. The third issue, he said, is "the settlement package for the victims of Kony and for Kony's group." He added that: "Our plan is to help those who are young to go back to school, those who are young and are fit to join the army 105 Battalion and the ones who want to settle in civilian life to be assisted with a modest package to do so as well as for the victims." The issue of recruiting LRA soldiers into the UPDF should be the result of a settlement and should not be unilaterally determined. Moreover, it has been questioned by a number of human rights organisations.The fourth issue, he added, would be "how to convince the ICC, after the Kony's group has come out of the bush and reconciliation has been effected, to drop the
[Ugnet] Lest we forget.- M7's 50 year plan
NB: This is the original copy from the file at Statehouse.Disclaimer: This below, is "confidential" property accessed by M.A Agencies, Meeting at Rwakitura with H.E. the President of Uganda and selected representatives from various districts on 15-3-1992 Present: 1. Mr. Y.K. Museveni Nyabushozi 2. Mrs. J. Museveni Nyabushozi 3. Mr. Elly Rwakakoko Ruhama Ntungamo 4. Mr. Eric Kabango Rukungiri 5. Mr. Akandanwaho Salim Saleh Nyabushozi 6. Mr. Sam Kutesa Nyabushozi 7. Mr. Abel Katembwe Rukungiri 8. Canon Rwabugaire Rubanja Rukungiri 9. Mrs. Rwabugaire Buyanja Rukungiri 10. John Wyclifee Karugire Ntungamo 11. Mrs. Karazawe Ntungamo 12. Mrs. Rwakakoko Ruhama Ntungamo 13. Bob Kabonero Ntungamo 14. Mr. Jim Muhwezi Rukungiri 15. Mrs. Susan Muhwezi Rukungiri Ntungamo 16. Mr. Jotham Tumwesigye Nyabushozi Mbarara 17. Mr. John Nasasira Kazo 18. Mzee Nyindimbi Kebisoni 19. Mrs. Faith Bitamurire Kebisoni 20. Mugisha Muwhezi Nyindombi Kebisoni 21. Mr. James Mwesigye Sembabule 22. Mrs. Mwesigye Sembabule 23. 24. Mr. Kamugisha Kebisoni 25. Mrs. Kemigisha Kebisoni 26. Mr. John Kazoora Ntungamo 27. Mr. Christopher Kiyombo Ntungamo 28. Major Henry Tumukunde Buyanja Kitojo 29. Mrs. Tumukunde Buyanja Kitojo 30. Mzee Rwakanengere Kashari Rubaya 31. Jolly Rwakanengere Kampala Rubaya 32. Mrs. Salim Saleh Nyabushozi 33. Rev. Kajangye Kitojo Buyanja 34. Aranda Nyakeirima Kitojo Buyanja 35. Mzee Mpira Nuyanja Nyakibungo 36. Charles Muhoozi Kifaburiza Kapunga 37. Justus Katono Karishunga - Buyanja 38. Elly Karuhanga Nyabushozi Mbarara 39. Mzee Kafumusi Ibanda 40. Sikora B.K. Buwheju Bunyaruguru 41. P. Kaitirima Sembabule 42. Matthew Rukikaire Sembabule 43. Mrs. Rukikaire Sembabule 44. Sam Baingana Kabura Rukungiri 45. Mrs. Baingana Rukungiri 46. Mzee Amos Nzei Kabale 47. Mrs. Nzei Kabale 48. Mzee Rutamwebwa Nyabushozi 49. Mrs. Mary Rutamwebwa Nyabushozi 50. Rev. Canon Sam Rubunda Nyabushozi 51. Mrs. Jennifer Kutesa Sembabule Ntungamo 52. Eriya Kategaya Rwamparara 53. Jovia Kankunda Mbarara 54. Mzee Rwakiturate Nyabushozi 55. Rwabantu Rushenyi Ntungamo 56. Col. Chefali Kazo 57. Col. Kazini J. Nyabushozi 58. Major Kashaka Nyabushozi 59. Jero Bwende Nyabushozi 60. Augusitine Ruzindana Rubayo Ntungamo 61. Ephraim Rusimirwa Nyakabuyo 62. Mzee Kaino Nyakininga 63. Rev. Rujoki Nshwerunkye 64. Mrs. J. Rujoki Nshwerunkye 65. Prince John Barigye Kashari 66. Kanyesingye Barigye Junior Kashari 67. Kirimani Nyabushozi 68. Fred Kanyabubale Kitojo Buyanja 69. Kakurugu Kitojo 70. Captain Biraro Nyabushozi 71. Mrs. Nasasira Kazo 72. Herbert Rwabende Kashari 73. Odrek Rwabogo Nyabushozi 74. Hope Kivenjere Presidents Office 75. Bishop Justus Ruhindi Rukungiri 76. Justine Sabiiti Mbarara 77. Maama Rubindi North Kigezi Diocese Agenda: 1. Prayers 2. Opening Remarks by H.E. (Chairman) 3. Strategy for the next 50 years 4. Plan of Action Minute 1.00: The meeting started with a prayer led by the Rt. Rev. Bishop Ruhindi at exactly 11:00 pm, who prayed for good deliberations. Minute 2.00: The Chairman H.E., welcome the Basiita Clan and other clans present in his home. He briefed members present the purpose of the meeting and thanked organisers for a good job done. He told members that the only opportunity they have is this one when he is still President. He directed Hope Kivenjere to act as a link between his office and these people at the grassroots. He told them that they were few in number and that he fought to liberate them so that they could be heard in society and Uganda at large. He reminded them of the need to have a master plan for at least 50 years if their Hima clan is to remain vibrant and rich. H.E. told his listeners that if they cannot use the opportunity maximally, their daughters and sons would blame them in the future. At this function he revealed to them a scheme and plan of action in order for them to achieve desired goals as: 1. To have the highest education qualifications during this term of office for their children; 2. To make sure they are the richest people in Uganda in the next 50 years master plan; 3. To make sure they control the army and have the highest ranks in the army; 4. To ensure that they take charge of all the resources in the country; 5. To ensure that everybody else is poor so that they could be controlled and respect the group; 6. To ensure that none of those not concerned not to know about the action plan. Every one of them was directed to recruit the Bahima boys to join the army so that they could dominate the ISO, PPU, ESO, and military police. This would assist in the resisting of other tribes that would attempt to take power by the use of force. Minute 3.00: The Chairman informed the members to unite so that they could remain the only kings in the region. He said that the master plan couldnt be achieved until 80% of their youths are properly
[Ugnet] Fear makes presidents overstay their mandate
Fear makes presidents overstay their mandate By F.D.R. Gureme Jan 6, 2005 Before I delve into the theme of this article, I wish to express my deepest sympathy with those people and governments of the hundreds of thousands killed in the greatest devastation of centuries of "tsunamis" resulting from the recent undersea earthquake. I owe a huge tribute of gratitude to the numerous friends who sent Christmas greetings, extending good wishes for the future; by sms, which I failed to reciprocate because my "new" used telephone, filially donated by my elder son, could not respond to a faulty charger, where I was in the rangelands, try as I could. This is to acknowledge those felicitations and to reciprocate them; as well as express similar sentiments to all my friends and fans. RULED BY FEAR?: President Yoweri Museveni Now, some corrections: The title of the article reading "Museveni desperately craves for the Fifth Term" should read, " craves the Fifth Term." The impression might have been created that Churchill accused every lying speaker of uttering a terminological inexactitude. It was in one particular case, on one single occasion. Where I say " never mind that they (some Movement MPs) have leaked 5m/- from under the table," it should read, " licked 5m/- " Now, in my last Sunday's article, I underlined Professor Dan Nabudere's warning against the reckless crusade of the President and his craven wheedlers, and (sadly) the innocently misinformed praise-singers; to crinkle, indeed desecrate, the Constitution regardless of the inflexible provisions of Article 3 of the same solemnly sacrosanct Constitution. I also referred to Frank Mutagubya's letter (The Monitor December 22) in which he correctly pointed out that vision and wisdom couldn't be the monopoly of an individual, however bright he is or once was! I was mainly captivated by the depth of "Timothy Kalyegira's brilliant anatomy" of the reasons presidents insist on ruling for life. I suggested that Kalyegira had omitted the major reason incumbents are unwilling to pass the sceptre to the next elected leader, as they wish to be permanently glued to the stool: namely the fears of the incumbent and those of his cronies, often including their family members, of life after the presidency: the sensation which I have labelled the "Chiluba element," in view of the treatment received at the instigation of his chosen successor Levi Mwanawasa. We shall presently examine the cause of fears of the incumbent. To the sinful cronies, the incumbent is the shield protecting them from exposure and punishment. I am no stranger to this subject. I remember volunteering the reasons "the Chair is sweet:" the famous precept of witty Godfrey Binaisa. One of the reasons is "let my will be done." Meaning the bliss of having your way in whatever you decide, reasonable or unreasonable, whatever others may think or say, and however rational their thoughts or words. Examples of this presidential bliss and, to my particular distress, as a life warden, concerning wildlife and the environment: are the location of Garden City, the laceration of the Mburo National Park, where herdsmen have poisoned the lions to extinction. And the impending destruction of the Bujagali surfing site, against several suitable alternatives ! The second aspect I explored was rescue from poverty. Excepting for Ben Kiwanuka, Sir Edward Mutesa, Yusufu Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, the rest of our top rulers have generally been desperate jobholders. Thus their attitude to the presidency is what Baganda would call "mponye buwonyi" or "I am simply delivered (by the gods)." The mponyes are, by and large, handling, rather mishandling, big money for the first time. They are typically prone to corruption, and tend to blithely wallow in the vaults of the country without regard to the sweat of the taxpayer. I might classify Milton Obote a mponye buwonyi, although shortly after his return from Kenya, he gathered an armful of funds from international political travels. Indeed there is overwhelming evidence that Obote and his family were generally free of greed and financial corruption. While some of his ministers lived in relative luxury in exile, Obote, like Mutesa his victim, was a virtual pauper in his first ostracism in Tanzania. At the signs that he was headed for another ouster, rumour had it that Colin Legume, who visited Uganda then, warned him of a coup d'etat in the air. Obote is said to have lamented the "reek of poverty in the residence of his sojourn." This time, he was said to have affirmed, in case he was forced into exile again, his house would not now smell of poverty. Indeed a few months in exile, in Zambia, he was said to have established a bicycle factory in India: supplying some to Uganda. I have had no confirmation of this. On the contrary different "eyewitnesses" of his Lusaka circumstances, have told of him almost entirely depending upon handouts from the Zambian government: to the extent that
[Ugnet] UPDF refutes EU statement
UPDF refutes EU statement UNDER FIRE: Illing By Alfred Wasike THE Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF) is committed to ending the 18-year-long conflict that has devastated northern Uganda. The Ministry of Defence/UPDF, in a strongly worded statement, lashed out at the European Union ambassador, Sigurd Illing, for saying the army was not committed to the resolution of the war because its officers were living quite comfortably with the conflict. The UPDF statement, signed by its spokesperson Major Shaban Bantariza, also said President Yoweri Museveni was in charge of the situation and was committed to ending the gory conflict that has displaced more than one million people. Illing was reported to have made the statement to the BBC radio Focus on Africa programme on Thursday. He reportedly urged the UPDF to emulate Museveni, who this time round is committed to ending the conflict through negotiations. The ministry wishes to express indignation at such an insult to UPDF and Uganda, from the ambassador who has chosen to abuse his diplomatic immunity and blatantly disregard the Vienna Conventions which make it a duty of every diplomat to respect his host country and not interfere in the internal affairs of the countries to which they are accredited, the army said. For His Excellency Sigurd Illing to ask UPDF to emulate President Museveni, who the ambassador says is this time round committed to ending the conflict through negotiations is to mean that the UPDF is not under the direct command and control of the president, which is an undiplomatic statement to the president and Commander-in-Chief of the UPDF. The army advised Illing to channel his grievances through diplomatic channel that are always open to him. The UPDF accused Illing of preparing ground to exonerate those who have been pushing the Government to negotiate with the LRA rebels, well knowing that the LRA is unpredictable, allergic to reason, common sense and hell-bent on their terror-mongering stubbornness and was meant to portray the UPDF as unwilling and uncontrollable when the peace talks fail. The timing of the ambassadors broadcast statements, one day towards the end of the unilateral ceasefire by the Uganda Government is quite revealing, the army noted. On the basis of the foregoing, ambassador Illings malignment of the UPDF and Uganda must be rejected with the contempt it deserves, and we wish to request him to be and act as the diplomat he is supposed to be, unless of course, he wishes to shed off his diplomatic immunity and engage in unprotected, controversial and risky local debates, the statement said. Ends Published on: Monday, 3rd January, 2005 Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] UPC might well be Musevenis saviour
UPC might well be Musevenis saviourBy Angelo IzamaJan 4, 2005 Titles like this one honestly piss me off because it is the reason that newspapers wind up being used to wrap your groundnuts and fried fish and not saved as part of your greater education or entertainment (depending on which section of the paper you read).Since you are in political section, where analysis occasionally gets fried or written by people whose only fans are their close relatives, one can only hope you read on until the end without the itch to crumple this piece and reach for your phone to ring the editor about the need for less mumbo-jumbo in your favourite newspaper. What Uganda really needs of course is less politics and more government but unfortunately 2005 will see an exponential increase of the former. Let us begin this 365-day political year with the proposition, what if? What if (and the big question) President Museveni declines to present himself as a candidate for the 2006 elections? What if the war in the North does end? What if elections are not rigged? What if a broader based government is formed after the next elections? What if a war breaks out against this government perhaps from the western border as has been suggested? What if anarchy returns?Many of these questions will be answered in due course and now you may ask what does this all have to do with the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC). The answer is that a re-invigorated Uganda Peoples Congress is in the best interests of the President Museveni who undoubtedly is a proponent of stronger government (and preferably no politics) Some say he is a dictator, I think he is a victim of the society he sought to manage when he begun his political journeys years ago. In the 1980s, convinced quite correctly that a multi-cultural nation like Uganda (forged by colonialism and brutalized in the process of attempting to govern herself by the likes of a civilian adventurer like Obote and a mad misadventurer like Amin) could not prosper with the mistakes of the past, Museveni and his colleagues created a Movement system. Dr. Milton Obote This no-party system was intended to rid Ugandans of the divisive role of religion and tribe in politics, the ravages of which colonialism had apparently miscalculated upon its exit. Well, the rest is history, the Movement system failed even as the President sought to maintain his vision by hook or crook, Machiavellian brilliance, and some tricks his predecessors left him.So Uganda is more stable perhaps but now at a threshold once again of multi-party politics, with a strong President at the helm, a war raging and one impending and at the center of the political debate, the same old docket of issues including the usual suspects, tribalism and religion, corruption and one-man rulership. Sounds very much like UPC and Obote in 80s doesnt it? A UPC Trojan horse A stronger UPC would do the following for the President in his hour of need. It would relieve him from the clutches of his tribal cradle and the sycophancy that bred lethargy with his formers. Currently, the Uganda government seems very much like a Nkore project, (consider that before him, Uganda was seen as a Langi project, a Kakwa project and at one time almost a Buganda project) kept in line by the military and a system of patronage on which the President has the last word. If we assume that Museveni was reluctantly steered to this precipice by the strong current of a multi-cultural, poor and largely illiterate population, his real strategy now lies in the art of building cross tribal and religious alliances using the vehicle of his own party currently ruling and a stronger second political party. That party is not FDC but UPC for the simple reason that FDC is a resistance against Museveni by his former students and would gladly see him in jail or on trial since this will really rake in the political capital from his downfall. Besides unlike UPC, FDC is a nascent political brand and easy to overtake if the Peoples Congress, which is a more durable and tested brand, was suddenly to emerge as an organized force. UPC, a party civilian in outlook, is more likely to consider working with Museveni a matter of national reconciliation, an opportunity to also rebuild its membership and financial resources. This cannot be the strategy of FDC, which must burn NRM in the history books and rise from its ashes. Another thing that UPC can help Museveni with is his tribal lieutenants, they may be an asset if you are a chief but a clumsy liability on the national stage especially now when every Tom, Dick, Opolot and Mwebesa is clamoring for a piece of the national cake.A post 2006, NRM/UPC government would allow Museveni to tone down what appears to everyone I suppose as an attempt at an imperial Presidency because even if that were the target, once such dispensations crumble as they often do from within, the monarch has to call in allies. UPC can marshal allies to defend Museveni; I doubt
[Ugnet] Egos should not fail negotiated peace
Egos should not fail negotiated peaceBy Frank MutagubyaJan 4, 2005 It is a shame that, apparently, the egos of some individuals may have failed Ugandans an opportunity of ending a stupid war that the NRM government has lived with for almost its entire life in power.It is even more shameful that as our president ordered government soldiers to go back to what, may be, he enjoys most, our brothers and sisters in Sudan and Senegal were jubilating over the success of their peace initiatives.Readers may be aware that as 2004 was coming to an end, three African countries were poised to sign peace pacts with their respective rebels. These were Sudan, Senegal and Uganda. The Sudanese government signed a protocol with the SPLA after a two year negotiation period, detailing how to share power, natural wealth, how to handle their respective armies during the six year transition period, and how to administer the three disputed areas in Central Sudan. One enviously read the words of their chief negotiator, Lazaro Sumbeiywe saying that We now have all the components that will form the comprehensive Sudan peace agreement every topic on our agenda has been discussed and agreed on (See: Sudan, rebels in peace deal. The Monitor. January 1, 2005). The Senegalese government signed theirs with the separatist rebels of MFDC to end an armed conflict of over twenty years. The statement from the African Union on this pact is pregnant with what seems to be lacking in the Ugandan case. It read thus: The signing, which brings tremendous hope in Casamance in particular and Senegal in general, is a product of the determination and political will of the Senegalese authorities especially President Abdulaye Wade, to find a political solution to the Casamance crisis. It is so frustrating to the people in the war zone in particular and of Uganda in general, that we have gone back to the unnecessary killings of our fellow Ugandans after words like those of Hon. Ruhakana Rugunda that: It is our hope that our brothers of the LRA respond to our proposals in the memorandum (The Monitor, January 1, 2005), and those of Ms. Betty Bigombe the chief negotiator that This is a historical moment for the people of Uganda that we have made this progress in the meeting. A few months ago, this was something unthinkable (See: Museveni in Gulu, peace deal today. The Monitor.December 31, 2004); and indeed those attributed to the LRAs chief negotiator Maj. Kolo that; I am very optimistic that if this atmosphere continues, peace will prevail in northern Uganda. What is so annoying and worrying are the reports of apparently concerted efforts by some individuals to have the talks fail allegedly because some of them, may be, stand to gain. Here, Ambassador Sigurd Illing is quoted saying that some UPDF officials are living comfortably with the conflict. But whereas the army leadership has brushed this claim off, Ugandans may recall that we have had some senior army officers allegedly involved in procurement of materials they well knew would not be of any use in the combat against the rebels.What this means is that, for instance, if the procured choppers cannot fly, the uniforms cannot fit and the food that is bought for the fighters is not eatable, then the fighting men wont be strong enough to fight decisively considering even that some of them were going without salaries after other seniors had disappeared with it and there were very many ghosts within them who could not even fight.But all said, with due respect to President Museveni, his actions and words when the rebels delayed to respond immediately to the memorandum were not pro- peaceful resolution of this conflict. The President is alleged to have said that If Konys group do not irreversibly commit themselves to coming out of the bush by the 31st of December, then UPDF will start full-scale operations beginning 0700 hours, the 1st of January 2005. Now, readers may recall that this is exactly what President Museveni allegedly did in 1994 when Ms. Bigombe had just met Kony. Instead of consolidating the gains then, as has been today, he reportedly gave the rebels seven days within which to come out of the bush or he finishes them! He has not finished them up to today.The biggest problem in this conflict is the big desire by President Museveni and some of his close friends to want the conflict to end in a win lose situation.In this kind of conflict, we should not be looking for any winner but a compromise so as to end the uncalled for suffering of our people. In light of this I find Mr. Moses Byaruhangas view that For how long should the government extend the ceasefire period? We have played our part but its unfortunate that the rebels are not committed to the peace process because they dont even make their terms clear to us (The Monitor. 2nd January 2005). The period the cease fire takes is not an issue - after all what do we lose even if it were to take a year when there
[Ugnet] Why talks failed
CHAT SMS FORUMS Perspectives Perspectives Insights Insights Lifestyle Lifestyle Religion Religion Inside Politics Inside Politics Women Men Women Men Business Finance Business Finance BetterLiving BetterLiving Full Woman Full Woman Young Free Young Free HangingOut HangingOut EducationForum EducationForum Sports Extra Sports Extra SundaySpecials SundaySpecials 03 January 2005 All results 5 results 10 results 20 results 30 results 50 results Why talks failed By Frank Nyakairu Jan 3, 2005 KAMPALA It is Friday afternoon and the chief negotiator, Ms Betty Bigombe, is airborne taking a draft memorandum of understanding to the Lords Resistance Army rebels, but before she lands somewhere in Palabek, Kitgum, a call comes in telling her not to land but to turn back. The LRA had smelt a rat. At 4pm, an hour after the time earlier slated for signing the agreement, Internal Affairs Minister Dr Ruhakana Rugunda called a press conference and said the signing could not take place because the rebels had delayed to respond to the memorandum. Internal Affairs Minister Rugunda and peace mediator Ms Bigombe address the press in Kitgum on Friday (Photo by James Akena). Eight hours later, the 47-day ceasefire expired and President Yoweri Museveni ordered the army to resume attacks against the rebels scuppering the entire peace process. What went wrong? The Monitor has since started investigations into what could have failed the peace process many hoped would end the 18-year war that has killed thousands and left 1.6 million homeless. Sources close to the talks told The Monitor that parallel elements in the government and the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces worked against the talks from the start. The LRA spokesman, Brig. Sam Kolo, also claimed likewise at the one of the meetings and in an interview with the BBC. What the LRA saysThe Monitor failed to get in touch with Kolo after the talks collapsed. However there were incidents that could explain the failure of the talks. During the December 28 meeting at Paloda hunting ground, a junior rebel whispered in Kolo's ear. Another rebel commander stood to talk to another and a discomforting atmosphere ensued. "You see, as we talk now the UPDF has deployed 2km away from here," Kolo said pointing in four different directions adding, "We are totally surrounded but we are soldiers." When The Monitor asked Kolo to point out names of the saboteurs, he declined. Kolo said, "Our groups are scattered and when they try to come together, they get attacked by the UPDF. The next day when the Rugunda team met Kolo, The Monitor heard one of the peace observers questioning UPDF deployments over a walkie-talkie minutes after the meeting. Sources that attended the meeting claim that UPDF was gathering intelligence of the location of the rebels. Though the government said the LRA was locked in disagreement over the deal, up to yesterday, LRA's reasons for its failure to sign the truce were unknown. What others sayAgago MP Prof. Latigo Ogenga, who attended the talks, accused the Northern Region Intelligence Coordinator, Lt Col Charles Otema, of working against the process from the start. "I believed that people like Otema, who have got a hard-line stance and a mindset that this war can end militarily, is bolting the process," Latigo told The Monitor yesterday. One religious leader in Gulu who preferred anonymity, said the UPDF maintained "a belligerent attitude. They planned attacks and threatened the process all the time." Fr Carlos Rodriguez, a Catholic priest who has been involved in the peace process, said the deal would have been signed if all sides were a little more flexible. "It is difficult to know who did what but Kony should not have rejected the document and the government should have extended the ceasefire at least for one more week," Carlos said. Two days to the end of the ceasefire the European Union head, Mr Sirgurd Illing, said during an interview with the BBC that some UPDF officials "are living comfortably with the conflict." He said the UPDF should emulate President Museveni who said was interested in peace. What the government and UPDF sayThe Defence ministry issued a strong statement yesterday denying claims that some UPDF officials worked against the peace process. "On the basis of the foregoing, ambassador Sirgurd Illing's malignment of the UPDF and Uganda must be rejected with the contempt it deserves," the statement signed by Army spokesman, Major Shaban Bantariza, said. He told The Monitor in a separate interview that the UPDF was committed to the peace process and "Our stand now is that whoever wants to surrender calls Betty Bigombe (peace negotiator) and we shall give them a safe corridor." Lt. Col. Otema denied allegations that he was plotting against a peaceful resolution of the northern war.
[Ugnet] The Rwanyarares owe us an apology
Monday January 3, 2005. Discussion Board|Archive||About Us|Staff|Contact Us THE NEW VISION|BUKEDDE|ORUMURI|RUPINY|ETOP|SUNDAY VISION|BUKEDDE KU SSANDE You are here: Daily»Columnists»Details NEWS SERVICE Welcome,GuestLog in or Register Need Help? Click here! DAILY FRONT PAGENATIONALEDITORIALLOCAL NORTHLOCAL EASTLOCAL WESTLOCAL CENTRALCOLUMNISTSLETTERSFEATURESSPORTLIFESTYLEBUSINESSOPINION WEEKLY BUSINESS VISIONBUSINESS PICTORIALHEALTH AND BEAUTYEDUCATIONWEEKENDHAVE YOU HEARDCRAZY KAMPALACRAZY COUNTRYCAUGHT IN THE ACTSCIENCEONE MAN'S WEEKCHILDREN'S VISIONPEOPLE, PLACESWACKY WORLDROVERRELATIONSHIPS ADVERTS/TENDERS FINANCE MIN. TRAINING JOBS AT CARE INTERN'L.WAREHOUSE ASSISTANT II USEFUL LINKS UGANDA ON LINEMISS UGANDASTRAIGHT TALK The Rwanyarares owe us an apology THE WRITER: John Kakande President Museveni made an important point when he said a political opponent isnt an enemy, that although the late Prof. Adonia Tiberondwa was a UPC diehard, he was a good opponent. During the 1996 presidential elections, Prof. Tiberondwa was among the members of UPC who vigorously campaigned for Paul Ssemogerere. Tiberondwa was particularly notable for his very stinging criticisms of President Museveni. Museveni acted like a statesman when, in spite of his disagreement with Tiberondwa, he still had some nice words for him. He has demonstrated that even if you disagree politically you do not become enemies. It is important, as the country enters the critical phase of the transition from the Movement to multiparty politics, that politicians do not regard opponents as enemies but treat them with respect and dignity. The country has had a violent history because successive leaders regarded opponents as enemies and sought to eliminate them politically or physically. Many Ugandan politicians in government and opposition now were in exile for most of the 70s and 80s. Fear for their lives forced them to flee from the country to seek asylum abroad. During the UPC regimes in the 60s and 80s, although the country was purportedly under a multiparty system, the opponents were indiscriminately hounded routinely. Some opposition MPs couldnt even travel freely to their constituencies. Some were murdered. Ssemogerere, the leader of the opposition, was often blocked from visiting parts of the country. I wonder why the Rwanyarares, Ogwals and Mwondhas never spoke out against these abuses by the Obote regime. Did they fear to confront Obote and tell him what was going on in the country? Why did they close their eyes to the massacres in Luweero Triangle? What moral authority do they have now to lecture those in government today about democracy and human rights. Certainly they owe Ugandans an apology. While the situation has remarkably improved under the Movement administration, there are still disturbing tendencies of political fanaticism, which dont augur well for proper functioning of a multiparty system. The recent incident where four members of Parliament from Acholi were flogged by soldiers was scandalous and extremely unfortunate. The way government has handled the matter leaves a lot to be desired. Soldiers who flogged the MPs should have been punished. Instead it appears the government is trying grossing over the matter and unashamedly shifting the blame to the MPs. This sets a bad precedent and doesnt contribute to the nurturing of a democracy. The Kira town mayor, Mamerito Mugerwa recently blocked the supporters of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) to convene a meeting in any of the hotels within his area. I do not recall that government has ever reprimanded him for his unwarranted action. The Luweero district leaders have also exhibited high handedness and political fanaticism. In one incident Luweero authorities literally bundled opposition activists into a Kamunye and forced them out of the district. Then there was the incident where Luweero authorities attempted to block Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu from visiting a local church in the area. The Iganga district boss Asuman Kyafu and a number of local council leaders from Jinja were recently implicated by a parliamentary inquiry in the attack on the members of the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum (PAFO) in Jinja. It is unfortunate that police has not taken any steps against these individuals. The Movement should promptly take steps to restrain its political and security functionaries from mistreating political opponents. This is the only way the country will establish a genuine multiparty democracy. In a multiparty democracy, the opposition is extremely vital. But African politicians loathe opposition. Often leaders, through their security and political functionaries, subject opponents to physical harassment or psychological torture. Legitimate political activities are criminalised. Opponents are humiliated, which leads to resentment and hatred. Opponents with business interests are ruined. Subsequently, when
[Ugnet] The Rwanyarares owe us an apology
The Rwanyarares owe us an apology THE WRITER: John Kakande President Museveni made an important point when he said a political opponent isnt an enemy, that although the late Prof. Adonia Tiberondwa was a UPC diehard, he was a good opponent. During the 1996 presidential elections, Prof. Tiberondwa was among the members of UPC who vigorously campaigned for Paul Ssemogerere. Tiberondwa was particularly notable for his very stinging criticisms of President Museveni. Museveni acted like a statesman when, in spite of his disagreement with Tiberondwa, he still had some nice words for him. He has demonstrated that even if you disagree politically you do not become enemies. It is important, as the country enters the critical phase of the transition from the Movement to multiparty politics, that politicians do not regard opponents as enemies but treat them with respect and dignity. The country has had a violent history because successive leaders regarded opponents as enemies and sought to eliminate them politically or physically. Many Ugandan politicians in government and opposition now were in exile for most of the 70s and 80s. Fear for their lives forced them to flee from the country to seek asylum abroad. During the UPC regimes in the 60s and 80s, although the country was purportedly under a multiparty system, the opponents were indiscriminately hounded routinely. Some opposition MPs couldnt even travel freely to their constituencies. Some were murdered. Ssemogerere, the leader of the opposition, was often blocked from visiting parts of the country. I wonder why the Rwanyarares, Ogwals and Mwondhas never spoke out against these abuses by the Obote regime. Did they fear to confront Obote and tell him what was going on in the country? Why did they close their eyes to the massacres in Luweero Triangle? What moral authority do they have now to lecture those in government today about democracy and human rights. Certainly they owe Ugandans an apology. While the situation has remarkably improved under the Movement administration, there are still disturbing tendencies of political fanaticism, which dont augur well for proper functioning of a multiparty system. The recent incident where four members of Parliament from Acholi were flogged by soldiers was scandalous and extremely unfortunate. The way government has handled the matter leaves a lot to be desired. Soldiers who flogged the MPs should have been punished. Instead it appears the government is trying grossing over the matter and unashamedly shifting the blame to the MPs. This sets a bad precedent and doesnt contribute to the nurturing of a democracy. The Kira town mayor, Mamerito Mugerwa recently blocked the supporters of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) to convene a meeting in any of the hotels within his area. I do not recall that government has ever reprimanded him for his unwarranted action. The Luweero district leaders have also exhibited high handedness and political fanaticism. In one incident Luweero authorities literally bundled opposition activists into a Kamunye and forced them out of the district. Then there was the incident where Luweero authorities attempted to block Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu from visiting a local church in the area. The Iganga district boss Asuman Kyafu and a number of local council leaders from Jinja were recently implicated by a parliamentary inquiry in the attack on the members of the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum (PAFO) in Jinja. It is unfortunate that police has not taken any steps against these individuals. The Movement should promptly take steps to restrain its political and security functionaries from mistreating political opponents. This is the only way the country will establish a genuine multiparty democracy. In a multiparty democracy, the opposition is extremely vital. But African politicians loathe opposition. Often leaders, through their security and political functionaries, subject opponents to physical harassment or psychological torture. Legitimate political activities are criminalised. Opponents are humiliated, which leads to resentment and hatred. Opponents with business interests are ruined. Subsequently, when those in opposition get into power, they seek retribution. This ends up in a vicious cycle of political violence. Ends Published on: Monday, 3rd January, 2005 Email this article to a friend. Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
Re: [Ugnet] FLASHBACK: The 53 who refused to sign Constitution
Lakitari Kipenji, I wouldnt have said (asked ?) it better! I too wish u a very prosperous and certainly better year than the one we are just leaving. Rgds to yr family and friends "We shall over come" keep the faith alive! Gook Original Message Follows From: Owor Kipenji [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: ugandanet@kym.net To: ugandanet@kym.net Subject: Re: [Ugnet] FLASHBACK: The 53 who refused to sign Constitution Date: Fri, 31 Dec 2004 15:03:13 + (GMT) Gook, The Pen,is said to be mightier than the Sword!. From this very telling list of the true freedom fighters for Democracy in Uganda,I wonder where the now beatified saints of the so called Forum for Democratic Change a.k.a FDC were when the time for counting those who espouse democratic principles were being counted. I am sorry to state that FDC adherents are the biggest danger to democracy in Uganda for not only are they outright opportunists but they are also wolves in sheep's skin! Democracy does not change to suit ones' circumstances and so since it never suited them then,there is actually no reason under the sun why they should now be claiming on mountain tops that it is suitable for Uganda and that they are at the vanguard of promoting it. I also know that to live is to change, but when we so often have the propensity to adopt changes based on exigencies,then such changes deserve to be stilborn for they are only masquaredes! Let these saints from the FDC now tell Ugandans why they went ahead to endorse a fraudulent document which they now want hoi polloi to believe otherwise. Thank you and wish every member of this forum a prosperous New Year. Aluta continua! Kipenji gook makanga [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: FLASHBACK: The 53 who refused to sign Constitution Fifty-three Constituent Assembly delegates refused to endorse the 1995 Constitution. Below is a heavily edited September 22, 1995 press statement, they issued to explain why. It is an interesting flashback in light of the ongoing constitutional debate in Parliament:- Constituent Assembly P.O. BOX 7272 Kampala President Museveni posing with CA delegates - Signed by the following CA Delegates 1. Imat Cecilia Ogwal (Lira Municipality). 2. Paulo Ssemogerere (Busiro South). 3. Robert Kitariko (DP). 4. Okeny Tiberio (Chua). 5. Dani Nabudere (Budadiri West). 6. Adoko Nekyon (Maruzi). 7. Sam Ringwegi (Padyere). 8. Ben Wacha (Oyam North). 9. Okula Charles (Moroto). 10. Oneti Batia (Maracha). 11. Dick Nyai (Ayivu). 12. W.G. Wanendeya (Budadiri East). 13. Charles Olet (Erute South). 14. Omara Atubo (Otuke). 15. Alice Akabo (Kitgum). 17. Juliet Rainer Kafiire (Pallisa). 18. Winfred Adio (Soroti). 19. Aggrey Awori (Samia Bugwe North). 20. Okwonga Latigo (Omoro). 21. Leander Komakech (Aruu). 22. David Mwaka (Nwoya). 23. James Okanya (Butebo). 24. Darlington Sakwa (Bunghoko South). 25. Muyiisa John (Bujumba). 26. Damiano Lubega (Lubaga South). 27. Waswa Lule (Lubaga North). 28. Etuku Onyok (Moroto). 29. Omilo Omara (Soroti). 30. Malinga (Usuk). 31. Awoki Ambrose (Youth North). 32. Obua Otoa (Kioga). 33. Timony Langoya (Lamwo). 34. Onegi Obel (Jonam). 35. Okwakol Nathan (Pallisa County). 36. Olwa Ben (Kole). 37. Okulo Epak (Oyam South). 38. Akisoferi Ogola (Kisoko South). 39. George Masika (Mbale Municipality). 40. H. Okalebo (Bukedea). 41. Mwondha Patrick (Bukooli). 42. Dick Odur (Dokolo). 43. Anthony Ssekweyama (Mawokota South). 44. Charles Owor (Aswa). 45. James Ajai (Kilak). 46. Ben Etonu (Amuria). 47. Nsubuga Nsambu (Makindye West). 48. Andrew Adimola (Gulu Municipality). 49. John Kawanga (Masaka). 50. A.B. Ssengooba (Kyotera). 51. Mary Lubega Mutagamba (Rakai). 52. Stephen Semaala (Kyamuswa). 53. Byakika Kasajja (Bunyole). The National Caucus for Democracy has, after two days debate on the enactment of the new Constitution, decided that it will not endorse in toto the new Constitution in its present form. The NCD has decided to take this decision because we object to the constitutionalising of the Movement Political System in the new Constitution. The NCD also disagrees with the refusal by the Assembly to endorse a federal system of government for the regions, which want this form of governance in their areas. For this reason, NCD has decided to reject those parts of the Constitution, which have denied Ugandans their fundamental human rights and freedoms as well as their sovereignty to govern themselves through a federal form of government. The effect of this decision is that the NCD delegates will not endorse the new Constitution by signing it or attesting to it by promulgation until those objectionable parts have been amended. It will be recalled that when members of the NCD returned to the Assembly after our walkout of the Assembly on the 20th June, 1995, we undertook to press for the reconsideration of certain fundamental provisions in the draft Constitution that had been rejected by the NRM Caucus. We promised to work together with the other
[Ugnet] For Federation to Succeed, Uganda Must Shape Up
For Federation to Succeed, Uganda Must Shape Up By PATRICK ABAL East African Presidents Yoweri Museveni, Mwai Kibaki and Benjamin Mkapa. Kenya has largely come off as a maturing nation and Tanzania is a bastion of stability. Uganda remains the odd man out The East African Federation as it is being proposed has one pariah Uganda. This cannot be ignored and I am sure the countries in the project would wish to be careful not to deliver a stillborn union. While Kenya, despite its difficult and sometimes strenuous politics, has largely come off as a maturing nation, and with Tanzania clearly a bastion of stability despite the headache of the Indian Ocean Islands the clear political pariah is Uganda. Everyone who can discern political trends now knows that the Movement will collapse. It has passed its zenith and natural law requires it to fall. The leaders, however, are still having their hair cut in confidence like those aristocrats on the Titanic who, even when they were being told of a problem on the bottom deck, assumed that the problem would be solved one way or the other. Unfortunately, there was no solution the Titanic went down to the bottom of the sea. I recently asked one of my friends who, at the time of the 1986 takeover by the NRM, sang loudly that they were going "to leave no stone unturned," about the stones they had overturned. He simply waved it off, saying, "Man, things happen." Yes, things do happen. The problem is that the pariah has not developed a system of institutions that can run by themselves without being pushed by the chief executive he directs the judiciary on how to rule on cases, decides in advance what parliament must resolve, deploys the army whenever and wherever his whims direct him, all without explaining anything to anyone. He alone defines Ugandas foreign friends and enemies; he alone knows how the Ugandan economy's trillions of shillings' deficit is juggled; he is the repository of all the wisdom and vision of 24 million Ugandans and can change the rules as and when he wishes he is the Alfa and the Omega, the beginning and the end of Uganda. Which of East Africa's leaders could sleep comfortably in State House for 18 years while nearly two million of the country's citizens are sleeping in the bush? Where else is it officially acceptable to rig elections, because the rigging starts from manipulating the law governing elections where a Speaker will shout down a Member of Parliament telling him to shut up? This is the same pariah that contributed the most towards the collapse of the East African Community in the 1970s through military dictatorship, arrogance and callousness intertwined with pervasive corruption and cronyism. Unless these issues are swiftly sorted out, the proposed federation will not hold. I am certain the member states would not wish to inherit the problems of a pariah in the hope that they will be swallowed up in the larger unit. Strong coalitions for that is what political unions are are those built around principled units that individually appreciate their own strengths and shortcomings and try to work towards standards not the omnibus chorus, "We are equal partners." The Nepad Peer Review Mechanism suffers from this disease and this explains why it is unlikely to go far. That, too, is why Turkey is being vetted seriously by the European Union. Can the East African partners come up with some benchmarks to guide the formative process and ensure that we have a union free from political mediocrity? We read of President Benjamin Mkapas speech when the UN Security Council was in East Africa recently it would make a good vetting baseline to work from. Patrick Abal is based at the School of International and Public Affairs of Columbia University, New York, US Gook Don't just search. Find. MSN Search Check out the new MSN Search! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] M7 and his Akanzu
Rose Tumusiime [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: Let me start by being apologetic to my fellow contributors to this wonderful chat opinion Platform. It is important to give you my address but at the moment it is safer to stay incognito. I am Ugandan born and raised in Uganda, residing in the New England States of the United States of America. I have been in this country six years, came from the State House of Uganda to South Africa and then to the United States as a security operative for the government of Uganda. I am a woman of 38 years old, 5-9feet tall, I consider myself intelligent. I am straight forward person. Am nervous and insecure around my fellow women but am not dumb. I am not a sparking conversationalist like my colleague Mr. Kyeyune. I have come to realize that my government (Uganda) is moving in the wrong direction. Museveni, the president, will soon be dangerous to our country and its people. History will not judge us well, I mean those of us sent to the U.S. to do bad things to fellow Ugandans living in the United States who are hard working law abiding citizens or residents of the U.S. I have decided to go against the grain; therefore it will be of benefit to most other Ugandans to understand the dangerous nature president Museveni is leading our nation into a disastrous ending. It is not a smart idea to come to America, a host nation and start disturbing those hard working people who struggled to get out of Uganda due to abuse of human rights and poverty. I am surprised to the reaction of my fellow contributors calling for my dismissal! It seems to me that those people calling for my dismissal have something to hide, or, are in fear of being exposed. I am convinced that this is the right time to have Museveni and his operatives exposed to the Ugandans living all over the world. It is also the right time to expose Museveni for what he is. His real true colors, tired and turning into a ruthless dictator with no new ideas except oppression and intimidation of the citizens. I am becoming more skeptical about where Museveni is taking Uganda. I am disturbed by the way he has tried to start confusion and chaos in Buganda and Ankole. Mr. Museveni is a dangerous, selfish, dictator in puberty stage with little regard to the countrys well-being and its people. My brother Abdul Kalema Kimbugwe supposedly called himself a Mulangira criticizing me and asking for my dismissal! Why is he not outraged by Musevenis meddling in Buganda and Buruuli issues? I suppose as a Mulangira (prince) Mr. Kimbugwe would be more outraged about the Buruuli issue than my exposure of Musevenis operatives in the U.S. My brother Abdul is a Muslim as well, where was his message of happy IDI Day for the Muslims? Mr. Kimbugwe, think about those two questions before you embark on waging a war to remove me from the discussion. I hope you are not one of Musevenis operatives trying to destroy Ugandans living in America by disguising yourself as a Muslim and a prince. Mr. Kimbugwe, you should be concerned about the confusion Uganda government is trying to cause here in the USA by trying to turn UNAA into a Ugandan arm of NRM-O in America. On December 23, 2004, the President of UNAA was in Uganda to meet with the Director General of ESO, and the Private Secretary to the President in-change of political. This should make UNAA members outraged because UNAA was not started for that purpose, of political division and witch-hunt for Ugandans in North America (UNAA should not become an NRM political wing). Mr. Kimbugwe you should be concerned about the Ambassador of Uganda in Washington D.C., Mrs. Edith Ssempala- (Grace Nyabizura Bafakurera) who works for Uganda during the day and work for Rwanda at night. Mr. Kimbugwe should be beside himself due to the ambassadors malicious dedication to create divisions among Ugandans in the USA. All her correspondence threatening some UNAA members is evident and available. Why are you not concerned about Mr. Kabonero at the Ugandan Embassy in D.C., who is cheating the Ugandan people and government by renting his brother-in-laws house under disguise. Why are you not concerned about all the properties those in government are buying here in the USA while leaving Ugandans without oxygen at the Mulago Hospital. I have all the information about Musevenis plans for infiltrating Ugandans here in the USA. In due course I will give the list of names of all those people, I mean innocent Ugandans that Museveni want to target and harass here in the U.S. I will expose the Karuhanga plan. I will give you a list of properties, owners and locations right here in the U.S. A note to the Baganda. All dictators in Uganda have come to power by the generous trust of the Baganda. Ugandan dictators have enjoyed your support, in the end they have abused the Kingdom (Buganda) and its people. For us the Banyankole, we gave up on Museveni! We know he is a snake in the pot. Baganda trust your history and save
[Ugnet] MOVT, UPC clash at funeral
MOVT, UPC clash at funeral TAG OF WAR? Kanyomozi, Rurangaranga and a UPC official look through the funeral book; INSET: STARTED IT: Otafiire, DEFIED OBOTE? Ogwal By Raymond Baguma Leaders of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) and the Movement clashed at the burial of UPC stalwart Prof. Adonia Tiberondwa in Bushenyi on Sunday. It started when environment minister Col. Kahinda Otafiire, who represented President Yoweri Museveni, told mourners that party colours carried less significance and asked them to pay allegiance to their country above everything. He cited UPC stalwarts Cecilia Ogwal and Yona Kanyomozi who defied the partys president, Milton Obote and stood for Parliamentary elections. They were faithful to UPC but defied their chairman by going to Parliament to serve their country. Also, during the war, we fought UPC soldiers while wearing UPC shirts. We also fought the UPC government using UPC means and UPC bullets, Otafiire said. He asked the mourners to emulate Tiberondwa, saying he was a just and balanced person who did not witchhunt his political opponents. Disagreement in political ideas does not mean we are enemies. That is why I shared my kisanja cash with opposition MPs. This is the ultimate of politics but we have not yet reached this level of understanding in our country, Otafiire said. In retaliation, East African legislator Yona Kanyomozi said Tiberondwas life offered lessons to learn for UPC and the Movement Government. As we have been told by Otafiire, apart from the Universal Primary Education, we now hope that we shall also access the State House scholarships, he said. Earlier, state minister for industry Richard Nduhuura hailed Tiberondwa but refused to acknowledge UPCs achievements under Milton Obote. However, Edward Rurangaranga said after the overthrow of Idi Amin, the Obote II government mapped out a programme to rebuild the country, restore peace and introduce programmes such as education. Amid cheers from UPC supporters, Rurangaranga said Nduhuura would not be what he is today if it was not for UPC. He said abandoning UPC for the Movement was tantamount to a mother abandoning a child she nurtured right from the womb. Forgive us, we have refused to change and to abandon what we started, Rurangaranga said. Ogwal hailed Tiberondwa for his contribution to reconciling her with Milton Obote. She urged former UPC members, citing Prof. Ephraim Kamuntu, who crossed to the Movement, to return and build UPC. But minister Prof. Tarsis Kabwegyere called on UPC supporters to join the Movement instead of staying in a house that has caught flames. Hundreds of UPC diehards, relatives, friends and sympathisers thronged the deceaseds country home in Rwentuuha, on the Mbarara-Bushenyi highway to bid farewell to Ado as he was popularly known. The casket containing the deceaseds remains was wrapped in a cloth bearing UPC party colours of red, blue and black. Mourners wearing clothes with a tinge of either colours braved the long eulogies and scorching sun. At 5:00pm, amid tears, wails and dirges, the casket was lowered into the grave built with red, black and blue tiles. The grave was constructed in the deceaseds compound. Prominent among the mourners were FDCs Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu, Miria Matembe and Makerere University staff led by vice-chancellor Prof. Livingstone Luboobi. EAC secretary general Amanya Mushega, MP Mary Karooro Okurut, EADBs Godfrey Tumusiime, Catholic, Anglican and Muslim religious leaders from the region. Others were UPC top brass Dr. James Rwanyarare, Night Kulabako and UPC party delegates from Jinja and Apac districts. Tiberondwa died of cancer last week at Mulago hospital. Published on: Tuesday, 28th December, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Adieu Ado
Adieu AdoObituary: By Evelyn LirriDec 28, 2004 The passing of an academic, politician and family man "You stood out among the crowd. Your wisdom led many to discover their full potential. Your specific attachment to the vulnerable and the hurting leaves a challenge to us who live after you. You taught the young generation the value of tolerance and respect for differences in opinions, creed and nationality. From your life we learn the value of following one's conscience and principles even when it takes a generation to realise the dreams. From a humble background, you enriched a multitude as a teacher, parent, christian and politician, a combination that has failed many."This was the eulogy read on December 24 at a funeral service held in honour of the late Prof. Adonia Tiberondwa at All Saints Cathedral, Nakasero. Ado as he was popularly referred to, succumbed to cancer at Mulago Hospital on December 22. Rest In Peace: Tiberondwa lived a life of hard work, dedication and persisitence (Monitor photo). Until his death, Tiberondwa was a senior lecturer at the department of Higher Education at Makerere University. Born on December 27 1936 in Bweranyangi, Tiberondwa's academic pursuit started from Mwengura Church School in 1944. He later proceeded to Ruyonza Primary School, then to Mbarara High School for his junior secondary school. Because of his outstanding academic performance to which many of his colleagues attest, Tiberondwa then proceeded to Nyakasura School, where he won a number of scholarships that saw him through his education until he joined university.While at Makerere University, he undertook a Bachelor of Science degree, which he completed in 1962. That was just the beginning of an academic career for a man who was later to become one of the country's most respected professors. He started his professional career as a secondary school Science teacher in 1958, while still pursuing his course at Makerere. Tiberondwa taught a number of distinguished people including President Yoweri Museveni whom he taught in the 1960's at Ntare School. "Its because of people like Tiberondwa that we came out and went to school and now we are able to relate to the modern world,'' Museveni said of his former teacher. Tiberondwa was the headmaster of Teso College from 1968-1971, taught at St. Henry's Kitovu from 1967-68, was head teacher of Lango College from 1965-67 among other responsibilities as an educator. Tiberondwa later enrolled for a master's degree in Education Management at the University of Columbia in USA, which he completed in 1970.He was the Principal of National Teachers College Kyambogo from 1971-1972.He seemed not to have been satisfied with what he had achieved. He enrolled for his PhD at the University of Dar es Salaam, which he successfully completed in 1975. He also did a postgraduate diploma in Education at Makerere University and a certificate in Education Administration from Columbia University. His death has been a blow to many. Ugandas exiled former President, Dr Milton Obote, said, "am shattered by his death. It is a loss. I have lost a friend and an advisor''.Tiberondwa held a number of senior administrative positions in Uganda and outside Uganda's educational institutions.He was a member of the Makerere University Council (1968-72) and of the University Council of Zambia (1973-79). In Zambia, he was a lecturer and head of educational foundations for eight years. "He has made a remarkable contribution in the field of education. We shall greatly miss this distinguished scholar", Dr Khiddu Makubuya, Minister of Education and Sports said.Makerere University Vice Chancellor Prof Livingstone Luboobi said, " The University will miss this great man who has played a big role in building the future at Makerere. His greatest impact has been in supervising postgraduate students. He was popular with his students because of his vast knowledge and intelligence''. He was also a member of the board of directors of the East African Airways and later chairman of its appointments committee among a number of other positions. Tiberondwa the politician was a member of the Executive Committee of the Uganda Peoples Congress, MUK branch. He later became a delegate to the first UPC conference in 1960. Under the Obote II regime, he represented the people of Bushenyi Central in the National Parliament and also served as Minister for Industry.He was once chairman of UPC Presidential Policy Commission and its political committee. He served as the Chairman of UPC's Executive Committee in Bushenyi from 1986 to 2004.Tiberondwa was not only active in the field of education and politics he participated in a number of other non-academic activities. He was the Chief Scout of Uganda for fifteen years, diocesan head of the laity in the Church of Uganda and chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Uganda Men Christian Association (YMCA). Unlike many politicians, Tiberondwa is said to have been a man who could
[Ugnet] UPC sends Xmas card to Museveni--- (Bad Idea!..Gook)
UPC sends Xmas card to Museveni MERRY XMAS: Yoweri Museveni By Josephine Maseruka The Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) has sent Christmas and new year greeting cards to President Yoweri Museveni, Kabaka Ronald Mutebi and over 200 political, religious and cultural leaders. UPC administrative secretary Kyeyune Ssenyonjo said about 250 cards were sent out. He said the Presidents card was delivered at State House, Nakasero on December 23. Army commander Lt. Gen. Aronda Nyakayirima also received one. Presidential assistant Moses Byaruhanga yesterday said he was not aware that Museveni received a card from UPC. Ssenyonjo said the Kabaka, Katikkiro Joseph Ssemwogerere, Mengo ministers and Lukiiko members also received cards. Ssemwogerere yesterday said he left his office for Christmas before receiving the card. He also said he had received cards from other parties. UPC officials said they had received Christmas cards from Dr. Crispus Kiyonga, the National Political Commissar, and from Ofwono Opondo, the information director of the Movement secretariat. Muslim and traditional leaders, except Isabaruuli Mwogezi, were not an exception. Ssenyonjo said they did not know where to deliver Mwogezis card. Cards were also sent to political parties like the National Resistance Movement organisation, the Federation for Democratic Change, the Democratic Party and the Conservative Party. The Speaker of parliament, Edward Ssekandi, Inspector General of Police Katumba Wamala, the Commissioner of Prisons, Joseph Etima also received cards. A joint card was sent to all MPs. Published on: Tuesday, 28th December, 2004 Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] UPC gets signatures
UPC gets signatures THE Uganda Peoples congress (UPC) has started collecting signatures in western Uganda, writes Darious Magara. A party member, Dr. Patrick Rubihayo, said they collected about 600 signatures in Kabale and more others in Kisoro, Bushenyi, Ntungamo and Rukungiri districts. The partys presidential policy commission chairman, Dr. James Rwanyarare, led the team that collected signatures in Rukungiri and Kanungu districts last week. Several supporters in Kabale and Kisoro were dressed in party colours of red and blue. They also held several meetings with party officials from Kampala. A party supporter in Kabale, Jack Tusigiwire, said UPC would soon resurrect after 18 years. We are very strong. We are ready to give the NRMO a bloody nose, should we be allowed to participate in party politics, he said. Another supporter in Kabale, Wilkens Arinaitwe, said they had collected signatures from people believed to be from the NRMO. Published on: Tuesday, 28th December, 2004 Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] The President -for-life plot thing reveals who we are
Ear to the Ground By Charles Onyango Obbo The President -for-life plot thing reveals who we areDec 29, 2005 I have been a victim of the Kisanja Brigade, who have been bombarding me with Christmas and New Year messages saying that whether I liked it or not, they had "given" President Yoweri Museveni his fifth term.They were telling me that in a few months, the Movement forces in Parliament will vote to amend the constitution and abolish presidential term limits, and that they know what to do when it comes to a referendum---make Museveni president for life.They shouldn't waste their airtime and dial-up minutes on this. Yes, I don't support the lifting of presidential term limits. I also think that Museveni's best moments are many years in the past. Yet I do understand that there are many people who would like him to turn senile in State House. I don't agree with them, but if even if I alone could, I wouldn't deny them their wish to have Museveni rule until his 85th birthday.This is because one of the big political failures in Africa in general, and Uganda specifically, is our inability to accept and come to terms with a result if our candidate or idea loses out. While Museveni and his camp - like others before him like Milton Obote - do steal votes, if he wins lawfully in his Kisanja project, let him have it. When he has had his fill, and his time comes, thus giving the country learn from the experience when it returns to the path of democratic growth, one can only expect that in return, the "president-for-liftists" will accept the new result which ends their man's reign.That's why I don't necessarily buy into the idea that Museveni and the Movement's electoral victories are somehow illegitimate because the bulk of their support is in the villages and up-country among illiterate peasants: That the educated people in the urban areas who know better tend be more sceptical, hence the lower score that Museveni gets in these areas - and the need to bring out Maj. Kakooza Mutale and his yellow bus to beat up and intimidate voters in the towns. Or that because peasants are "ignorant" it's easy for the incumbent president to "manipulate" them as Museveni has done over the years.Unless we are saying that people who are uneducated or poor shouldn't vote, we have no alternative but to accept the decision of the "ignorant peasants". First, elections are the best mirror of a country that there can be in Africa. If the Electoral Commission is efficient and honest, it tells you something positive about the capabilities of a country's institutions and the professionalism of its public servants. If it bungles the elections and is swayed by the government and president as in Uganda, then you know the electoral commission is in the primitive stages of development. And so you are likely to find the other institutions - the Revenue Authority, Parliament, the army and police - in the same condition of decomposition or stunted growth.Secondly, there is really no "right" reason why someone should vote for or against a candidate or a proposal like Kisanja. If a man votes for a female candidate because he finds her beauty the most compelling reason she should be in office; then another has a right to vote against her because she is short; and another has an equal right to vote for her because he likes her views on UPE; and yet another is perfectly entitled to vote for her because he is ignorant of where she stands on the issues, but supports her because the president has said she's the right person for Parliament.True, the voter who chooses on the basis of UPE makes a qualitatively more superior decision than the one who chooses a candidate because he likes her long hair. But if we don't accord the two different decisions equality, we end up with the situation where those who voted for Dr Kizza Besigye in the 2001 elections are hounded and chased into exile because they are considered "enemies", and those who picked Museveni are "good" people who should be rewarded. If we think it's wrong to vote for someone because of his or tribe, it follows that it's wrong to vote for him or her because they are not of the party we support.The "ignorant" choice of the peasant, therefore needs to be accorded the same respect as the "wise" decision of a university don not because it's somehow right, but for political stability. Political stability is important because it's, ultimately (often against the wishes of the rulers of the day) the best condition in which democracy breeds. In Uganda in the 1996 and 2001 presidential elections many voters made choices out of fear, or because they were beaten. Take the voters in Jinja and Mbale who were whipped by Mutale's pro-Museveni Kalangala Action Plan militia.For an election observer, that's a serious breach. But for the man who doesn't want to be beaten for voting against Museveni, and therefore grants the president his wish in order to keep Mutale's whip away, that's a perfectly well
[Ugnet] Security personnel too dependent on the gun and hardly on reason
Security personnel too dependent on the gun and hardly on reasonBy Samuel OlaraDec 29, 2004 Yet another one of a series of victims of trigger happy security personnel happened over the Christmas festivities. The government owned vernacular daily Bukedde, of December 28th, carried a story of how Ms. Josephine Najjuma was murdered in cold blood by a trigger happy guard working for a private security firm called Rhino.It was reported that this followed a misunderstanding between beer sellers and their customers over a Shs 500 refund for the empty bottle at the Eagles Production show in Kampala.Ugandans witness such killings very often and the most unfortunate thing is that this has no exception to any security organisation. Such cold blood killings have been committed by members of the UPDF within war zones, protected camps for the displaced persons, in bars where soldiers go to drink with their guns even within areas that are not in war situations like Kampala.Police personnel are also wanton at such silly shootings during peaceful demonstrations by unarmed civilians, at opposition political gatherings etc. The so called Local Defence Unit (LDU) personnel have killed many in similar circumstances just as private firm security personnel, like the case of Ms. Najjuma, have done. And some senior citizens of our land have pulled out their guns at the slightest provocation and told every one that they can use it. All these killings have a common denominator.Whereas in some of such cases there is premeditated intention to kill the victims over a number of reasons, there are instances where you wonder why security operatives have to use the last option first while handling such conflicts! We would all expect that security personnel know very well that live bullets kill and therefore they aim their weapons at unarmed civilians well knowing that the result of their actions will be death, but they go ahead and do it anyway.We may find answers to such behaviour from a number of factors but, may be, some of them may include lack of respect to human life by our political leadership in general.This has resulted in our security personnel to have no respect for life either since they see, hear and witness their leaders taking away life at will and in most cases using those very security personnel to effect the killings. Readers may agree with me that we have heard our political leaders always talking about fighting , killing, their political opponents but not defeat them by the power of reason and intellectual debate of ideas; such leaders have always equipped their supporters not with the power of reason but instruments of coercion and destruction. Havent we heard one of our political leaders threaten to kill one of our former leaders should he dare touch down at Entebbe Airport? Do we recall an army officer who was allegedly promoted just after driving through an opposition procession and killing some persons during the 2001 presidential election? Just reflect on alleged deliberate use of guns and other torture instruments allegedly by Kalangala Action Plan during the 2001 elections, was reason at play here or the instruments of coercion and destruction of life?The most significant factor is the way most of our security personnel are trained and used. My humble assessment is that there is a tendency of emphasizing use of maximum physical force with very little effort spent in equipping these personnel with the power of reason and effective assessment of conflict situations so as to disarm or disable conflicting persons without necessarily pulling out the gun. Most of our security personnel hardly think through such situations and so the first thing they go for (may be as per their training) when faced with such a conflict, like Mukono was, is the gun, not reason. This may significantly explain why, for instance, a police personnel would aim his AK47 gun loaded with live bullets at a group of peaceful demonstrators who are only equipped with placards and pens. This is exactly what happened when Mr. Mukono was called to resolve the differences between the arguing ladies over Shs500. He went for his gun first, not the power of reason. I may not blame Mukono, may be that is how he was trained to respond. Now, considering that the majority of personnel employed by private security firms are former army men and police personnel, then we can all know where the problem emanates from; more so when we hardly see any difference between how the private security personnel, the police personnel, and the army men handle such situations.Shouldnt the police and army training institutions review their curriculum so that whereas their trainees must master the handling and usage of fire arms, the power of reason and quick assessment of any conflicting situation is far more important in managing conflicts other than always thinking of using the gun in the first place? That way we wont have such cases of unnecessary
[Ugnet] I say, Museveni craves for a 5th term
I say, Museveni craves for a 5th term By F.D.R.Gureme Dec 26 - Jan 2, 2005 My most articulate statesman of the 20th21st centuries is Winston Churchill. With his mastery of English, wit and frequent sarcasm, Churchill had handsome ways of ridiculing his disfavoured without employing un-parliamentary language. When a speaker unloaded a startling diatribe, of which Winston clearly did not approve; and sat down, Churchill would shoot up and quip: Am I in order, Mr Speaker, Sir, to congratulate the honourable gentleman, that when he sat down on his hat, just now, his head was not in it? President Museveni Yes, as the child and father of parliament, and in whatever projectile he let fly, he skirted un-parliamentary language. To say that a certain speaker had lied he said he was guilty of a terminological in-exactitude. Arent Ugandan rulers as guilty? The entire process of our democratisation, from the hyped misrule of former dictators, has been one great terminological in-exactitude. Easily the aptest analysis in the recent past was Timothy Kalyegieras brilliant anatomy: Museveni takes interest in Binaisas wedding; why? (Sunday onitor, Dec 12). Only he omitted the element of fear (of the subject and cronies) of the Chiluba element: a future topic. Hadnt I imagined that Mzee Daniel arap Moi had retired in great mental comfort until the resumption of the Goldenberg and Robert Ouko enquiries? The genesisOn June 16, 2002 under the heading: The National Resistance Movement - The heart-stabbing betrayal edited into: Where did the NRM drop the mask? under my sub heading: The brief History, I wrote: In January 1986, Museveni led his National Resistance Army (NRA) into Kampala, ending the harped misrule of former dictators. With the restoration of democracy that Museveni promised, the all-too-credulous Ugandans trustingly swallowed his sweet promises of elections within four years. In the meantime, the NRM set up a parliament comprising about 30 historical MPs; later increased by nominations from various interest groups to create what was popularly known as the broad based government; attracting such veteran party leaders as Dr Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere and Mayanja Nkangi; then happy to serve in the broad-based cabinet. ElectionsMeantime, elections were being conducted at all levels. Those (nine persons) elected to the executive of the village Resistance Council (RC 1), elected one of themselves to the parish RC who, in turn, elected, from among them, one person to represent them on the sub-county or municipal and district RC. Ominously, although Uganda had attained secret voting, these elections were conducted in the semi-primeval style of lining behind a candidate of ones choice or fear. I was one of the suckers who accepted election as RC 1 Chairman. Significantly, and as a subtle gimmick of scooping the most votes when democracy would be feigned, special representation was accorded women and the youths (to ensure greater numbers): represented by at least one person at each RC stratum. I felt distressed when MPs were similarly elected with a woman from every constituency; elected by women electoral colleges as a means of increasing NRM loyalist MPs. Resigning my RC1 chairmanship, I watched. This pseudo parliament was titled the National Resistance Council NRC. I wrote The barefaced betrayal. A year before the promised elections, Ugandans were told that the NRC had decided to extend its own life by some 5-years, to enable NRM complete its programmes. Second extensionGovernment was still broad-based and popular. Thus when Wasswa Ziritwawula resigned his parliamentary seat in protest against the NRC blatantly undemocratic act, practically no one took interest in his disgust or saw the point he was making. There were a few whining but muffled protests by party leaders then still feeding at the bountiful, high table. NRMs next mark time stratagem of enticement, used to tighten their grip on power, was the making of a new peoples constitution, although, as I put it in writing then, it would have been easier, and more ethical, to amend, in my view, the only non-tyrannical and legitimate Constitution: that of 1962. Two problems were clear here: one was whether the CADs (Constituent Assembly Delegates) would, as a matter of high-minded statesmanship, disqualify themselves from standing for Parliament and, secondly that, added to representatives of special interests such as women, youth, army, etc, would not the Constitutional Assembly be unwieldy? Which it was! Although some of us, including constitutional experts like Prof. George Kanyeihamba pointed out these anomalies, our protests were ignored; the result being a partisan and intolerant constitution, belabouring such repugnant articles as 69-74 and 269-271: establishing a one party rule in all but name; with the dreadfully cruel irony of Article 75; which final document a number of foresighted CADs refused to
[Ugnet] How m7 destroyed co-oparatives and why?
Without Mincing Words Andrew M. Mwenda NRMs relationship with peasants is contradictory Dec 26, 2004 If governments are representatives of vested interests within society, what is the social base of the NRM? Is it peasants as President Yoweri Museveni and his supporters never get tired of telling us? The history of the NRM/A struggle, being based in rural Uganda, tends to lend credence to such a claim. But how come the NRM Ten Point Programme never really addressed itself to the concerns of the peasants: agrarian reforms aimed at increasing the returns to agriculture or land reform to give land to the tiller. Instead the Ten Point Programme is a generalist agenda showing no bias as to which vested interests (or classes) influenced it.The NRM/A struggle was launched in Luweero not because of peasant consciousness to landlessness, or exploitation by government controlled agricultural marketing monopolies, or the hijacking of co-operatives and their transformation into state organs, rather than being organs of the people. Rather, it was because Luweero was in Buganda, a region hostile to Milton Obote and his UPC for abolishing their kingdom, and also because it had many Tutsi and Hima migrants who shared a common ethnic background with President Museveni. Thus, although the NRM tried to "democratise politics in rural areas" through the resistance councils, these institutions never became agencies for articulating broader peasant concerns on agrarian issues. Instead, they acted as NRM's security appendages, or vehicles for resolving community disputes. Sadly, the major grievance around which the NRM mobilised support for its struggle were ethno-regional: that this was a movement to wrestle power from northerners "who are terrorising us" (Bantu) through the control of the military. Secondly, to mobilise Baganda peasants to support it, the NRM, ironically allied itself to conservative, semi-feudal forces symbolised in the leadership of Yusuf Lule, the very constituency that NRM was supposed to liberate peasants from. At one time, the NRM/A even brought Kabaka Ronald Mutebi to the "liberated" zones to show itself as representing Buganda's ethnic concerns. Precisely because of this alliance, when it captured power the NRM was unable to carry out a comprehensive agrarian reform programme. Instead it sought to reproduce power by servicing the same semi-feudal interests at Mengo. Museveni's relationship with the peasants is contradictory. On the one hand he introduced local councils, which gave peasants an institutional framework through which they could have a voice in politics, a highly commendable innovation. On the other hand, through his alliance with international financial institutions on which he relies for foreign aid to sustain his rule, Museveni has presided over the deliberate destruction of autonomous organisations of peasants - the co-operatives - the most effective institutions through which peasants could have had a voice on the price of their crop and other agrarian concerns. And how did Museveni's government come to destroy cooperatives? In 1981, Robert Bates published his book Markets and States in Tropical Africa: the Political Basis of Agricultural Policies in which he argued that state officials in newly independent African countries, vested with powerful instruments of economic control - like agricultural marketing boards - employed them to buy off urban constituencies and therefore stay in power and enrich themselves. According to Bates, the political elite had two options: to let the market determine the price of the farmers' crop (in which case the farmer would get a high price) or to set the price at a very low level but extend support to farmers in form of free or highly subsidised fertilizers, farm implements, seeds etc. The ruling elite chose the second option because a high market price for crops is a reward to the farmer's labour while free or highly subsidised farm inputs are state patronage from which the ruling elite would win farmers' political support. Bates argued that these policies destroyed farmers' incentives to increase agricultural output and thereby sabotaged the process of development because of an added factor: that while seeking to combine political survival with self enrichment, the political elite built rental havens and erected bureaucratic obstacles to the free play of market forces and therefore to the efficient allocation of resources. For Bates, this had a debilitating effect on peasant agriculture - the only economic sector capable of propelling future development. Dismantling state power and leaving peasants free to take advantage of market opportunities seemed to be the answer. Bates' book soon became, as Prof. Mahmood Mamdani has put it, "the official truth" in international donors circles. Thus when the government of President Museveni signed on the IMF and World Bank programmes in the late 1980s and early '90s, it agreed to dismantle state
[Ugnet] An unhappy treason, not Christmas season
An unhappy treason, not Christmas season By Sam AkakiDec 23, 2004 At a personal level, Professor Ado Tiberondwa's departure very early on 22nd December, shattered my Christmas and that of his beloved wife Mary, family and millions of friends. I will spend the season singing the one hymn he loved: "Nearer my God to thee, nearer to thee"At a national level, on December 20, 2002, Mrs Mary Karooro Okurut, or "Amucala Okurut" as she might be called in her Ngora marital home, wrote a curious article in The Monitor under the title "Repent Sins All Ye Hate-Mongers This Christmas". For those who did not read the article and therefore missed its relevance then and now, it is necessary to reproduce the salient extracts of what the then Press Secretary to President Museveni said:"Christmas has come to mean different things to different people. For the rural folk who have children and relatives in Kampala, they will be looking forward to the fact that "the Kampala people are coming". She went on and unwittingly made three brutally frank statements, which illustrate the reality of life under the Movement government, when she said:"This is the one time in the year that many a rural man will grab a bottle of beer or two and sip slowly, savouring every bit of it, because he knows he may not have one again until the following year - at Christmas.""The little people will be happy because that is probably the one time soda will be in the house, flowing all over the place and yes, you got it right - till next year.""The women are excited because for many of them this is the one time in the year they are assured of a new gomesi. Some will make their annual visit to the salon."If these revealing statements cannot make a bad man laugh and a good one cry at the tragedy that has befallen Uganda, then I do not know what will. At once demolishing the contemptible claim that the Uganda economy has been maintaining a steady average growth rate of 7% a year, the then Press Secretary to the President publicly conceded that after 16 years of Movement rule, poverty had become so rampant that "rural folk" had been reduced to living one day in a year. And this is strictly for those having "children and relatives" who work in Kampala. NRM PUBLICIST : Opondo God alone knows what Christmas must be like for the unknown numbers, probably millions of "rural folks" without children or relatives working in Kampala, or the 1.8 million who are trapped in the "eternally" Displaced Persons camps scattered in the north and east.Be it as it may, the sum total of the tragedy is that what Amucala Okurut casually referred to as the "rural folk" are, indeed, the overwhelming majority of men, women and children who make up more than 90% of the total population of the country, or at least 20 million Ugandans who live in the rural areas.By contrast, while 20 million men, women and children have to wait for a whole year before they can have a beer or two; a new gomesi or visit to the salon; and for children to taste a soda; Amucala Okurut and a small clique of people connected to the NRM, have been celebrating Christmas every day of the past 18 years, thanks to institutional theft at home and abroad.Lest anyone forgets how Amucala Okurut and her colleagues manage to afford their all-year-round Christmas celebrations, readers must recall the recent kisanja bribe scandal, Justice Ssebutinde's judicial report into the junk helicopter purchase, which reportedly "criticised Museveni for advising Saleh to go ahead and accept the $800,000" bribe; and the UN report, which implicated senior army officers and officials close to the president in the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).Still on Christmas, Amucala Okurut who once lamented the fact that her computer spell-check repeatedly gave her the word "Besieger" when she wanted to find out more about Dr Kizza "Besigye", went further and wrote:"What comes to my mind most is the issue of the political spectrum that some people are bent on disturbing and destabilising with intent to destroy the country We know them all. They are going around all over the globe asking donors to cut aid to Uganda We have heard of the plans to wage war on the country in a bid to oust the government."The key phrase, which may not have attracted the special attention it deserved, was "We know them all". Today, millions of Ugandans and the international community also know exactly who these people are, thanks to Amucala Okurut and her colleagues in the Movement. In the last two years, particularly since November 2004, they have been announcing a series of arrests, the discovery of hidden weapons and the detention on treason charges of scores of people who are reportedly linked to the People's Redemption Army (PRA), a group "bent on disturbing and destabilising with intent to destroy" Amucala Okurut's world of Christmas every day of the year.Curiously, every one of these "treason"
[Ugnet] Looking back at 1985 peace talks and why nothing came out of them
Looking back at 1985 peace talks and why nothing came out of them Uganda JournalDec 19 - 25, 2004 At exactly 9:10 p.m., East African Standard Time, on Tuesday, December 17, 1985, a beaming President Daniel arap Moi emerged from Harambee House in Nairobi flanked by Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa and Mr Yoweri Museveni, the leaders of the two delegations at the Uganda Peace Talks. The Kenyan leader announced that a deal had been reached between the two warring sides to join together in government and, for that, fighting across Uganda was to end by December 19, 1985 - 19 years ago today. The deal did not hold and a month later guerrilla chief Museveni and his National Resistance Army (NRA) fighters marched on Kampala. Peter Nyanzi looks back:- Mr Moi, who had been the chairman of the talks since they opened on August 26, 1985, said that the agreement would be signed the following morning. Ugandans around the world saw the deal as signalling the dawn of a new era of peace after nearly two decades of political turbulence, bloodshed and war. The five-year-old guerrilla campaign waged by Mr Museveni had since cut off of large swathes of the country, which were already under its control. President Museveni Tito Okello But many other groups were also fighting the government in various other parts of the country. Only about five months earlier on July 25, 1985 senior Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) officers Lutwa and Bazilio Olara Okello had toppled President Milton Obote in a military coup, leading to mass looting and turmoil across the country. Once in power the Military Council, the ruling organ of the General Okellos, sought peace through negotiation with the fighting groups, principally Musevenis NRM/A. Originally, the talks were scheduled to open in Dar es Salaam on August 13, 1985 but the NRM delegation never showed apparently because Bazilio Okello turned down its request to be provided transport from Nairobi. So the talks were moved to Nairobi under the chairmanship of President Moi. Col. Gad Wilson Toko led the Military Council team, and Museveni the NRM. The talks began amidst a news blackout, following Mois directive to lock out journalists. The issuesThe talks broke down within the first two days. Museveni said Ugandans could not trust any political arrangement in which people who had played a key role in the gross abuse of human rights in the past were involved. The NRM people also said they would not recognise the Lutwa government, which they kept referring to as the military junta. In fact, the NRM wanted Lutwa to attend as commander of UNLA and not as head of state. When the talks resumed, however, the NRM accepted Lutwa as chairman of the Military Council and head of state. From then on, it was tough negotiation over issue after issue.For example, the NRM wanted equal sharing of the Military Council seats between it and UNLA once it joined government. Museveni would also not accept the representation on the council of some other fighting groups such as the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and Former Uganda National Army (Funa), which it accused of having been involved in crimes against the people. The rebel group further wanted the four political parties (UPC, UPM, DP and CP) that took part in the 1980 general elections to have a member each on the Military Council. On its part, the Military Council offered NRM only four seats, a proposal the rebels flatly rejected, prompting a postponement in the talks. When the negotiations resumed, the offer of seats was increased to six. Eventually the NRM got seven seats, which included the vice chairmanship of a reconstituted Military Council. The UNLA junta got eight seats, which included the chairmanship of the council. The Museveni guerrillas also accepted the inclusion of other fighting groups, provided the representatives of those groups were acceptable to all parties involved.Another bone of contention was the formation of a new national army after the accord was signed. There was a proposal that three friendly countries Kenya, Tanzania, and Britain be approached to take charge of national security as the various fighting forces were disarmed and disbanded. The NRM delegation was unwilling to accept the use of foreign troops. It was also not happy with the idea of "complete disarmament if the country was to achieve genuine peace".It argued that the Lutwa junta was part and parcel of the system that had been oppressing Ugandans for the last 23 years and "had inherited the permanent organs of the State including the Police, Prison, and security services, the Judiciary, and civil services which in other countries are generally neutral but have never been neutral in Uganda since independence". Therefore, the guerrillas argued, to talk of disarming only the soldiers would leave the junta effectively armed while the NRA was absolutely disarmed. Secondly, it argued that because Uganda needed an army, the NRA already
[Ugnet] Man who asked M7- Why do you give jobs to only westerners in BIG trouble!
Minister denies link to missing man By Rosebell Kagumire Dec 19, 2004 KAMPALA State minister for Trade Richard Nduhuura has dismissed allegations that he knows the whereabouts of Kyabugimbi LC-III Chairman Eliab Kanyamuhanga who has reportedly fled the country. In a letter dated December 14 to Dr Nduhuura, Mr Kanyamuhangas wife Merab tells the minister to find her husband whom she says left their home in the minister's car. I do not know Kanyamuhanga's whereabouts, Nduhuura said.He said he learnt of Kanyamuhangas disappearance from newspaper reports on December 10. The reports said he had fled the country.Nduhuura said he indeed travelled with Kanyamuhanga to Kampala on November 7 after making consultations on the White Paper in the parishes of Beijengye, Rwenjeru and Kajunju in Kyabugimbi sub-county in Igara East, the constituency the minister represents in Parliament. He said the LC-III chairman told him he wanted to meet Mr Sam Kuteesa, the Investment minister. He spent the night at my place in Ntinda, Nduhuura said. He said that he drove him to town the following day but Kanyamuhanga got out of the car at Kamwokya stage saying he was going to a friends house to change clothes. He later called me to inquire about the meeting with Hon. Kuteesa, Nduhuura said. But Hon. Kuteesa was out of the country. Kanyamuhanga told me he was going back to Bushenyi. Thats the last time I talked to him. The minister said he believes Kanyamuhangas wife knows where her man is. He said that she handed over the office stamp to the Kyabugimbi sub-county chief, Mr Bashongoka, even before the story about Kanyamuhangas disappearance ran in the papers. I am told that she said that her husband had gone for diabetes treatment but didnt say where, the minister said. If this woman wasnt aware of her husbands disappearance, why then did she wait for a month for her to inquire from me? Kanyamuhanga, a former UPC chairman who crossed over to the Reform Agenda, went missing after security agents reportedly started trailing some people from Kyabugimbi for alleged subversion.Kanyamuhanga supported former presidential candidate Kizza Besigye in the 2001 elections. Kanyamuhanga is, however, best remembered for asking President Museveni why he was only giving jobs to westerners, when the President hosted LC-III chairpersons from western Uganda after the 1996 elections. © 2004 The Monitor Publications LCs cry for jailed boss By Patson Baraire Felix Basiime Dec 19, 2004 RUKUNGIRI The district council suspended business for a while on Friday as some councillors broke into tears over their jailed speaker. Speaker George Owakukiroru was sent on remand at Kigo prison on Thursday on charges of treason and concealment of treasonable activities. Hardly had the deputy speaker, Ms Ingrid Turinawe, ended her remarks about the need for a fair trial for her boss than she broke down sobbing. Councillors James Bitwonyesire and Enid Kenyangi joined in, forcing a five-minute break. Before she broke down, Turinawe had asked for a fair trial for Mr Owakukiroru because he has been a law-abiding citizen and conducting council business smoothly. She said Owakukirorus brother Peter Atwongyeire, the LC-V councillor for Kebisoni, had also gone missing. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
RE: [Ugnet] Free and fair elections not term limits
Vukoni, This and the using of Ugandans as geuine pigs in the Aids drugs!Gen. M7 is their best Nyampala since Gen Mobutu! Gook Original Message Follows From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: RE: [Ugnet] Free and fair elections not term limits Date: Sat, 18 Dec 2004 10:18:48 -0700 ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/ Don't just search. Find. MSN Search Check out the new MSN Search! The dirty little secret of the Museveni regime is that its survival now depends more on the word,goodwill, and moneyof Western donorsthan a clear mandate (i.e. non-manufactured) from the Ugandan people. This Louis Michel press conference is an example of how much Museveni and Uganda today are creatures ofthe West. Original Message Subject: [Ugnet] Free and fair elections not term limitsFrom: [EMAIL PROTECTED]Date: Sat, December 18, 2004 8:07 amTo: [EMAIL PROTECTED]Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED]___Ugandanet mailing list[EMAIL PROTECTED]http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet% UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/ ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Meetings with donors not enough to bring democracy
Without Mincing Words Andrew M. Mwenda Meetings with donors not enough to bring democracy Dec 19, 2004 Freedom is not a commodity that is given to the enslaved upon demand. It is the precious reward, the shining trophy, of struggle and sacrifice. Kwame Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, 1963 I rarely respond to critics of my articles but I will make an exception of Mr Allan Taccas Does Andrew Mwenda Admire Fascism? (Sunday Monitor, December 12). Tacca claims that my defence of former President Milton Obote (he does not specify on which subject) is flirtation with fascism. If acknowledging that Obote built 26 rural hospitals, did not sign death warrants when President, among others, is flirtation with fascism, I am guilty as accused. Col. Besigye Mr Obote In Taccas world, we should not highlight Napoleon Bonapartes civil code, or Otto von Bismarcks role in unifying Germany, or Park Chung Hees transformation of South Korea because that would be flirting with fascism since all these guys were dictators. Tacca is angry that I refused to buy Kizza Besigyes claim that by merely challenging President Museveni in the 2001 presidential elections, the retired colonel stood for the advancement of democracy in Uganda. Besigye was campaigning for political power, so what convinced Tacca that he would be a vehicle for further democratisation in Uganda? You do not need to be a President to advance the cause of democracy. The Rev. Dr Martin Luther King, Jr. led a successful civil rights movement in America without ever seeking residence at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Taccas naivety is baffling. Most of the leaders of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) supported Museveni when he stifled political party activities, drove tanks and mambas to break up Mr Michael Kagwas rally at City Square, helped him during the Constituent Assembly to entrench provisions that muzzled democracy, stood by him when his security apparatus jailed journalists, killed demonstrators. Now they preach democracy and multiparty politics with a fanatical zeal. Is it flirtation with fascism to say: Please, wait a minute, when did you change? And why should we believe you now? More so, I am less inclined to believe that FDC and other opposition groups in Uganda are unable to hold rallies, open branches nationwide and turn themselves into a potent political force "because of the legal restrictions imposed on them by the NRM". That is a lot of baloney! The opposition in Uganda claims to be fighting a dictatorship. It follows that they would have to face numerous restrictions and violations. Historically, such violations have always been a sign of weakness for the dictatorship, and actually a source of strength for the opposition. Instead of exploiting such restrictions to build their political credentials, the opposition types in Uganda, and their admirers like Tacca, claim that that path is suicidal. They prefer to hold meetings with donors, appear on radio talk shows, hold seminars in air-conditioned conference halls financed by foreign donors and, worst of all, expect journalists to massage their weaknesses. Not me! We have all read about democratic struggles across time and space in this world. Opposition politicians spend years in jail, some get maimed, or even killed. As my friend Kyazze Simwogerere would say, if you cannot stand the heat, get out of the kitchen. How many opposition leaders in Uganda have been arrested and sent to jail? I know Mr Raila Odinga in Kenya spent seven years in the cooler! Can a group that does not want to risk anything for freedom really be a force for democracy? Ms Anne Mugisha, in a similar article in the Weekly Observer, said the police under Museveni killed a journalism student along Kampala Road during a peaceful demonstration. Mugisha, Besigye and company campaigned furiously for Museveni in 1996 as the state beat up, harassed, intimidated and jailed Dr Paul Ssemogereres supporters and openly rigged the vote; not to mention that they served and praised him when his security killed, jailed and tortured many others. They only complain now because the heat has been turned on them. So how can the dictators allies of yesterday pose as todays democrats and still insist that we, the ordinary citizens, should not question their democratic credentials? Which brings me to Taccas claim that democratisation in the former Soviet Union and its satellites in Eastern Europe was born out of the moral commitment of leaders located in the state since there were no civic groups to organise protests against communist rule. Never mind that Russia today is under strongman rule. The economies of these countries were industrial and for the ruling elites there to reproduce political power, they needed to create wealth. This could only be done by application of human skill. In an economy based on human skill, production plans cannot be imposed; their attainment must instead
[Ugnet] Parading Uganda's blessings
On The Mark: With Alan Tacca Parading Uganda's blessings Dec 19 - 25, 2004 I was not there in person but the occasion was the Sheraton Hotel dinner in honour of veteran TV and radio newscaster Francis Bbale; a fundraising thing to help FB sort out his little headaches. Although I don't watch television, and for some reason have also missed his radio moments, we have bumped into each other a few times, and FB comes across as a man of great decency and modesty. Soft-spoken, I hope that his TV (and radio?) appearances are not swamped by the cacophony, the relentless mixture of information and rifle-speed noise that murders all poise and plagues so much of our local radio programming. It was therefore with some interest that I read about Ms Janet Museveni having graced the Sheraton occasion, and noted the highlights of what the first lady had to say. According to The Monitor of December 11, Ms Museveni urged journalists not to "bring Uganda down in the eyes of the world, but to remember that we are a country on this globe that is so blessed, (and) show what is beautiful and not just kids with big tummies and brown hair". What! I thought. Which editor(s) had been parading kwashiokor-tummied children and other eyesores, when the grandchildren of Uganda's first couple were now available, and when all citizens are free to order designer clothes from Natasha's studio, thanks to the country's blessings held in trust by the Kaguta household? Okay, about the blessings we may not all agree, considering the number of dignified or "disgruntled" people leaning towards the view that the country is probably cursed; but the beautiful things are in place. So, are our journalists unpatriotic? I made a quick survey of the sort of things that appear in The Monitor, the paper that one might suspect to indulge in some mischief, if only because it is not government-owned. On the very page (4) where several "national" stories appeared together with Ms Museveni's, there were the usual brief reports of road accidents and a homicide case. Of the longer reports, the only embarrassing (or, more accurately, entertaining) one was that of a sheikh condemning a hajji (who had prayed with our vice president in a less than magnificent shrine) for worshipping his traditional spirits instead of the great Middle Eastern God. Adjacent to the Francis Bbale (or Ms Museveni) story, there was exiled Col. Kizza Besigye's claim that Uganda did not withdraw from eastern Congo as supposed, but only created another rebel group, the Congolese People's Armed Forces. But be it true or false, that story only makes Uganda look very smart. On the same page, in a picture totally different from images of the squalid IDP camps in the north, junk drink maker Coca Cola pop-stars (whatever their native galaxy) were smiling with orphans at Sanyu Babies Home. At the top, in the mother of stories on that page, the MP for Bukomansimbi, Mr Morris Kagimu Kiwanuka, son of the late Benedicto Kiwanuka himself, had crossed from the Democratic Party to the Movement! With the good news thus favourably laid out against the bad (a situation that will improve still further after the presidential decree "Bonna Bagaggawale" - let all be rich - has been implemented); with our media faithfully reporting the "third term" money that grows on trees; and with the same media never even once demanding that organisations like Uweso or Taso be subjected to independent auditing and scrutiny, but instead often printing the happy faces of those who have prospered on the discovery that the causes of the wretched are a great industry; what more does the first lady want? The Monitor has gone an extra mile. On Thursdays, it inserts a "magazine" profiling the "Young and Free". They are all smiling. On Fridays, it profiles "Women and Men"; more smiles, romance and an occasional tear. On Saturdays, it is "Full Woman". On Sundays, we get "Lifestyle"; pictures of opulence, more smiles and happy endings. There is no day set aside for the damned, and it is difficult to recall a window on the lifestyles of the very wretched of our people. In those colourful pages, the thieves of yesterday are glamorised and raised to pedestals of role models. Natasha's clothes exhibitions get enough pages to make you think she was designing for Hollywood's millionaires. The rich and the beautiful of the day mingle with each other and there is plenty of laughter. Of course, if those who wield power spoke less hypocritically and acted more sensibly, marginalised people like Francis Bbale would have a little more to nibble on before their humiliation became the anchor for the egos of their benefactors. The media stories of Uganda's blessings would multiply. And there would even be no need for our bigwigs to hunt for miracles in Born Again and witchdoctors' shrines. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE!
RE: [Ugnet] Govt to make more concessions to Kony
How do you know this? R u in touch with Kony? Gook Original Message Follows From: "Okuto del Coli" [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: RE: [Ugnet] Govt to make more concessions to Kony Date: Tue, 14 Dec 2004 05:40:31 -0500 (EST) Kony knows that ravaged Acoli will never pardon him I would imagine that Kony fears Acoli more than he does fear Musseveni. rgds noc'l --- On Sat 12/11, Matek Opoko lt; [EMAIL PROTECTED] gt; wrote: From: Matek Opoko [mailto: [EMAIL PROTECTED]: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED]: Sat, 11 Dec 2004 12:53:49 -0800 (PST)Subject: [Ugnet] Govt to make more concessions to Kony Govt to make more concessions to Kony By Mwanguhya Mpagi amp; Hussein Bogere Dec 12, 2004" KAMPALA Government is willing to give LRA rebels time to name their demands and move on with the peace talks after the extended ceasefire expires on December 15. The State Minister for Security, Ms Betty Akech revealed Thursday that government hopes that by the time the ceasefire expires at 7a.m. on December 15, the LRA would have come up with a list of demands and a team for the peace talks with government. We expect this will take at least two weeks, she told journalists in Nakasero. Akech said many rebel commanders were willing to negotiate a peaceful settlement to the conflict, except the LRA leader Joseph Kony. She said among key rebels pushing for talks were Kony deputies; Vincent Otti, Sam Kolo and Dominic Ongwen. Asked why Kony had shown less enthusiasm, Akech said, What can I say? All of us are still asking ourselves why. May be KONY" simply does NOT trust Museveni...I wouldn't Blame "kony" Many Ugandans do not trust Museveni either MK © 2004 The Monitor Publications Do you Yahoo!?Yahoo! Mail - You care about security. So do we. ___Ugandanet mailing [EMAIL PROTECTED]://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet% UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/ ___ No banners. No pop-ups. No kidding. Make My Way your home on the Web - http://www.myway.com ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/ FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] MPs reject new 30m euro Apex loan, demand govt accounts for fund
MPs reject new 30m euro Apex loan, demand govt accounts for fundBy Agnes NandutuDec 14, 2004 PARLIAMENT MPs want State Minister for Finance, Mr Mwesigye Rukutana, to explain why money in the Apex Fund, meant to be lent to local entrepreneurs, has instead been given to foreign investors.The Apex Fund is made up of money borrowed from European countries to stimulate economic growth and fight poverty. Rukutana was facing the National Economy Committee of Parliament last week, chaired by Budadiri West MP Mr Nathan Mafabi, asking for approval of an additional 30 million Euros for the Apex fund."Foreigners should borrow fund from their home countries but not what our children are going to pay," said Capt. Guma Gumisiriza (Ibanda North).The committee had a list of Apex borrowers that showed that the majority of beneficiaries were foreign.The committee refused to approve the money, demanding that government redivise the way through which the rural people gain access to the money. The MPs said the previous Apex 1, 2 and 3, with a total of 80 million Euros, which Parliament approved, has been misused. They said they want the minister to present before the committee an analysis of what impact the 80 million Euros has had in areas where it has been invested.The MPs also said they don't want the money to be channeled through commercial banks. They instead want it to be given out through development Banks like Uganda Development Bank and East African Development Bank.They also said government borrows the money at very low interest rates but by the time it reaches the final borrower, the rates are too high to afford.Maj Bright Rwamirama (Isingiro North) said government gets the money at 0.7 percent, gives to commercial Banks at 3-7 percent, and the banks give it to borrowers at 16-19 percent."How do you expect a poor person to afford that," the MP asked.The MPs said they want the money given to businesses that deal in agriculture and related investments, instead of short-term businesses like importing buses, trading in hardware and building hotels.The MPs also said most projects that accessed the money were urban, yet poverty was more rampant in rural areas."Most of these projects are in towns because of the poor infrastructure in rural areas. Since government is now solving the problem of roads, water and electricity, investment would now go rural, " he saidMs Salaam Musumba (Bugabula South) said government is securing money for foreigners in guise of fighting poverty."There is no way government can pretend to be borrowing money to fight poverty, when only foreigners access the money," she said.Gumisiriza said the loans so far approved by Parliament have done nothing on the ground."President Museveni should stop deceiving people that the economy is growing when the country cannot service the loans. I don't see any economic impact," he said. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Ugandans will not sign contracts with dictators
Ugandans will not sign contracts with dictatorsBy Dani W. NabudereDec 14, 2004 On December 2, 2004, I read a statement that you issued in response to the story that appeared in The New Vision of Wednesday December 1, 2004 to the effect that you had written a letter to your half-brother, president, Yoweri Museveni advising him to drop the whole idea of ekisanja. I remember shouting loudly: Long Live Saleh. Saleh, Juu, Juu Zaidi. I even went further and rang my young friend Andrew Mwenda who was down in bed with a cold and asked him whether the story was really true to which he told me he will find out.I did this because I have always believed that in all human affairs, not everything is lost even in the worst of conditions because the human spirit prevails and shows us the way out of impossible situations. I thought that this spirit had at last come through you and I talked to many people in very high spirits about the significance of your decision. I therefore felt let down when I read the following day that you had not only refuted the story, you had even gone further to reinforce the arguments for life presidency for your brother. I could not believe that any pressure had been put on you to renounce the story, as the carton in the New Vision of that day seemed to suggest! Gen.Salim Saleh(2ndR), together with brother officers Gen. Tinyefuza(R), Col. Rusoke(l( and Brid. Kayihura I felt that either you were playing games with your brother to bamboozle Ugandans, or that you were perhaps making fun of us for I have heard on many occasions the president calling Ugandans primitive and backward.We some times feel as if we were a colonised people ruled by people who have come from another planet!Be that it may, I found that your statement went further than was justified to refute the story. To begin with the statement seemed to suggest that if president Museveni were to exit politics now, he would be surrendering to the old entrenched lobbies such as religious bodies and tribal clubs as well as to the new forces such as FDC and SEYAS, etc. Here, General, you forget that NRM is already an old force in Ugandan politics, which has resorted to tricks of violence, beatings and detentions in Safe Houses in dealing with their opponents. When NRM came to power, they blamed these kinds of practices on the sectarian political forces. Now you have gone beyond them to engage in the practice of political bribery never witnessed in the life of Ugandas politics. You also seem to suggest these other forces have not constitutional rights to take part in the politics of their country. This is extremely arrogant and will lead to prolonged conflicts in Uganda. The UPDF that you represent should not uphold such attitudes if it is to be a truly national institution.Secondly, in your statement you seem to be telling us what you believe we should be doing in developing a new radical but liberal groupings that can concretise the relationships that have been struck by the NRM. What are these radical groupings? We now know how corrupt the NRM leadership is and the kind of relationships it has built with entrepreneurs have been based on bribery and giving of billions from the Bank of Uganda to favoured individuals such as Basajabalaba, among others. Are you saying this is a radical step? Please general, stick to your job as a soldier and give Ugandans a break. You cannot create new leaderships outside the constitutional arrangements that the people of Uganda have put in place, including the term limits for the presidency. There is no place for ebisanja politics nor for experiments known as the glazier effect, whatever this may mean. The manipulations going on at grassroots by bribed MPs are illegitimate and cannot produce any new constitutional order beyond what is in the 1995 constitution. Also the gimmicks going on in Parliament about constitutional amendments are already discredited however much the NRMO and the government may be trying to say. Until you reveal the sources of the resources the NRMO is using to bribe elected officials, the process will remain clouded in illegitimacy. Any manipulation of the Constitution under these circumstances will amount to its abrogation, which will have very serious consequences for the whoever is engaged in it. Those who have doubts should look at article 3 of the Constitution.Thirdly, you point to the need for African values to be incompatible with western values of liberal democracy and human rights. This is an old story on which the NRM monopoly of power was based since it was said at the time that the old parties were sectarian and that African democracy did not have opposition parties. This experiment of No Party Democracy has been discredited and that is why the NRM Executive Committee and the NRM National Conference last year, under pressure from the Donors, submitted to the opening up of political space. Do you want us to go back to the
[Ugnet] Baruuli king installed- Where next Koki?
Mitayo Pujosi, Could you be the the lucky one next to recieve the aka envalope on behalf of the Koki peoples? rook Baruuli king installed HERE: Isabaaruli Mwogezi receives sh5m from President Museveni By Anne Mugusa, Fredrick Kiwanuka and Moses Nsubuga CHRISTMAS has come early in Nakasongola. A king has been installed. Mwogezi Butamanya was crowned the cultural head of Baruuli-Banyala at Nakasongola District Headquarters on Friday. He becomes the Isaabaruuli. President Yoweri Museveni told the Baganda and Baruuli-Banyala to respect each other and warned that he will not tolerate any group in the country that tries to subjugate or antagonise another. I am asking you to cordially deal with your brothers and sisters the Baganda. You should not create enmity towards each other. I also ask the people of Mengo to respect your cultural freedom. Isaabaruuli was installed by the head of the Babiito clan from Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom, Okwiri, in accordance to traditions. The army band played the Baruuli-Banyala cultural anthem and the national anthem as excited Baruuli-Banyala sang along. President Museveni gave the newly installed Isabaruuli sh5m to purchase cattle and also said the government will provide him with security, upkeep and transport. See related story under National category Published on: Sunday, 12th December, 2004 Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] MP Kiwanuka crosses to Movt
MP Kiwanuka crosses to MovtBy Michael J. Ssali Dec 11, 2004 MASAKA - The Member of Parliament (MP) for Bukomansimbi, Mr Morris Kiwanuka Kajimu, has crossed from the DP to the movement. Kajimu, also the son of the first prime minister of Uganda, the late Benedicto Kiwanuka, declared his decision to the vice president, Prof. Gilbert Bukenya, at Butenga sub-county on Tuesday. Ms Margaret Mbabazi, locally known as Maama Kisanja, put a crown of dry banana leaves on his head. Several other DP members of the Municipality crossed to the Movement on the same occasion. They included the speaker of Masaka Municipal Council, Mr Emmanuel Ssemango and Mr Henry Busurwa, a councilor of Nyendo. Only three members of the Municipal Council did not cross to the Movement.They are the mayor, Eng. John Matovu, the Deputy Mayor, Mr Mulumba Sseddugge and Mr Godfrey Kayemba, the Chairman of the Masaka Uganda Young Democrats.The defectors told The Monitor that they had decided to cross over to the Movement system because the Matovu, a staunch DP member, had accused them of corruption. © 2004 The Monitor Publications So all those who are corrupt should cross to NRA/M where corruption is tolerated? Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Musevenis mum honoured
Musevenis mum honoured GOOD WORK: Kamugira and Museveni inspect the school By Joyce Namutebi A school in Mbarara district has been built in memory of the late Esteri Kokundeka, President Yoweri Musevenis mother. Museveni commissioned Maama Esteri Kokundeka Memorial Primary School in Rwenkanja parish, Kashaari county, a statement from State House said. Kokundeka died at 84 years on November 14, 2001. She started a church in Rwenkanja in 1965 and had intentions of building a school. Museveni thanked Mbarara district and the LC5 chairman, Fred Kamugira, for using government money for the intended purposes. State minister for primary education Geraldine Namirembe Bitamazire commended Museveni for promoting education. Ends Published on: Saturday, 11th December, 2004 Email this article to a friend. And i ask, why use tax payers money for such a sectarian project? Why didnt Kaguta use his cow money if he felt he wanted to honor his mother? There are so many dead Ugandans deserving such honors then a lady who gave birth to a dictator responsible for millions and millions of deaths in the Great Lakes Region! Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Ugandas leaders not as patriotic as Rwandas
Ugandas leaders not as patriotic as Rwandas By Chris Sempiiri Dec 10, 2004 Allow me to suggest my views on how Rwanda and Ugandas relationship can be strengthened for ever and for peace to prevail. As someone who went to Rwanda exactly after the war of 1994 had just ended and when the bodies from the decomposing corpses were still on the streets, I think I have vast experience to know what the problem is and what the solution is for these two sister countries. Working in Rwanda at that time was not an easy thing as the situation seemed very tense yet very calm as scores of the handsome yet tough looking RPF boys patrolled the streets. Although there was also a massive troop deployment of the United Nations from different countries, it was basically the RPF which controlled the security and the former was more involved in humanitarian activities. It is wrong for His Excellency Adonia Ayebale to say that he is in good contact with His Excellency Paul Kagame, when the latters government is the one that has temporarilyexpelled his services. One thing I know with President Kagame is that the man is principled and focussed to see his people living an average good life. I remember when he gave The United Nations months to pack and leave his country. All of us, especially Ugandans, were very unhappy with him because most of us were employed by the many humanitarian agencies who worked in Rwanda. These agencies employed mostly Ugandans for because they were mostly Anglo-phone based agencies and so English was vital for getting employed. So all of us were annoyed including the expatriate community that was working in Rwanda by then. And many of these expatriates were whites who were brought in as experts for the many NGOs working in Kigali by then. But looking back at all this and reading about Andrew Mwendas numerous interviews with Major General Paul Kagame, I think diplomats like Ayebale seem not to understand society in which they are serving.Can anyone explain to us why for instance fuel prices in Rwanda are low compared to here when it actually passes here? The simple answer is that the government of President Kagame cares for the people. Instead of exploiting their ability to acquire assets like vehicles, it encourages them to acquire more in form of subsidising essential goods. I cant imagine the cost of basic necessities in Rwanda if fuel is low compared to here, where it passes. In my many journeys to and from Rwanda between 1994 and 1997, it was better for me to tell immigration officials at the border posts on the Rwandan side the truth that my temporaly travel permit had expired because my bosses would not allow me go into Uganda to renew it, other than offering a bribe. The bribe would land you into trouble with the real person you want to give it to. So the government in Rwanda started right from the begining to be straight, unlike ours which started right from the begining to exploit citizens. Mr Ayebale is right to compare Uganda and Rwanda with Isreal and USA. Rwanda will never leave the political scene of Uganda because it has its nationals in Uganda. And as I have already illustrated, Rwanda cares for its people, and like Isreal, even those outside Rwanda, are considered important by the government. Unlike Uganda, which Major Shaban Bantariza claims not to have many people living outside Uganda, Rwanda keeps track of its people.This can be seen with the many people who traverse the western rounte into Rwanda during eletion times and Christmas holidays. I have to tell Major Bantariza that there are very many Ugandans in Rwanda as a result of the genocide who live and have large families in Rwanda.These are Ugandans who also feel aggrieved about living outside their country. The solution for the problems of Rwanda and Uganda is for Uganda to make a painful decision of being patriotic and working for the good of their country and its citizens. That is the only thing disturbing the two countries - one is willing and ready to work for the good of its citizens yet the other is willing to mantain a status quo of exploiting its own citizens. Rwanda is not willing to see such exploitation going on as it has a stake in both countries. Contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED] © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Turning Uganda into a Bantustan
Turning Uganda into a Bantustan By Oweyegha Afunaduula Dec 6, 2004 O.E..Bukabeebas article: It is donors and environmentalists to blame, not Museveni, which appeared in The New Vision of 1st December, 2004 in response to Mr. Oweyegha-Afunaduulas article: Donors and environmental NGOs should not be taken for criminals, published in The Monitor of 9th November 2004, and which he needs to read over and over again to understand, deserves a comment. THIS IS THE LIFE: Young children and girls suffer the full brunt of a war they do not understand nor desire. All efforts towards peace should be supported (File photo). First, Mr Bukabeeba wrote his article so hurriedly that he forgot to indicate the source of the article he was responding to. Reading Bukabeebas article, I discovered that quite often those who struggle to show that they are not ignorant, and pose as if they are the ones we need to defeat ignorance, turn out to be the more ignorant. Not until they seek knowledge will they be able to show capabilities. This is a tentative statement derived while studying Mr Bukabeebas article. It is open to criticism. I do not know why Bukabeeba does not want to remember that Mr Museveni is a self-declared capitalist without capital and capacity to man a self-sustaining economy despite what appears in the now ancient Ten Point Programme of the National Resistance Movement (NRA) or in his self-indicating book Sowing the Mustard Seed. For a long time Museveni talked as if in the shoes of Clinton. He manifested as an agent of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), and like a priest sent from Washington to preach the gospel of SAPs to all leaders of Africa. One would easily forget that not very long ago, he was a self-confessed Marxist. While he preached and unquestioningly implemented SAPS, he did so with a lot of pride totally oblivious to the damage his stance would impact on our esteem as Africans. We now know that his strategy was to survive in a new situation while using Marxist and Machiavellian strategies to rule. Didnt Jesus say that in those days Satan would shine like an Angel of God?Museveni used the term pre-industrial to earn himself a reference as the most development-conscious president Uganda has ever had. At one time while on a visit to Scandinavia in 1994, he even said that 96% of Ugandans do not think, they must be thought for. In the end the development agent has managed to convert Uganda into an International Bantustan. If Bukabeeba knows something about the Bantustans found in South Africa (before the end of the Apartheid regime), then he will understand what I mean here. Whereas speaking out what the conscience holds is recommendable, Bukabeeba missed shots at the goal by saying that poverty, unemployment, external debt burden, conflicts among others, are not governments responsibility as being the sparkling agent. Yet he knows that Ugandans have never cried as much about these indicators of failure in social responsibility as they are doing now. Looking at Bukabeebas picture in The New Vision one easily notices that he is not a young man. Despite what many believe, it is possible to teach an old dog a new trick. Objectivity is possible and one can develop the art and science of pursuing it. May be Mr Bukabeeba lived abroad for a very long time without interest in what was going on in Uganda. Otherwise, he would have known that the poverty, excessively high unemployment, debilitating debt burden, non-ending conflicts, etc, which he mentions in his article have all emerged and assumed unmanageable levels when Museveni is presiding over Uganda. If Museveni has been blaming his swines and the ghost for the past mistakes and failures because they were in charge of Uganda, then he must be held responsible for current failures because he is the one in charge. We should not blame those he invited to help him legitimise his rule. Perhaps Bukabeeba was living between Britain and German- in the Atlantic Ocean. If he was in Uganda he would have grasped that during the early days of the Museveni regime, an AIDS and conflict corridor was created between Kampala and Gulu. There was no AIDS/HIV or conflict in Gulu until Museveni and his gunmen went there. There would be no Kony if there was no Museveni. In my view the two are mirror images of one another!The conflict continues because the two are continuing!By putting people of northern Uganda in concentration camps, Museveni has continually subjected them to poverty, Aids/HIV, untold suffering and death. War is the worst form of poverty. In fact it is now known that IDP concentration camps are centres of some of the worst human rights violations on Earth today. It is as if there is a plot to use this means other than guns to make a whole ethnic group become extinct. It is difficult to resist thinking this way. Why then can one not think that if there is such a plot then whoever is behind it is engaged in self-imposed
[Ugnet] Why do citizens simply look on?
Article Published on: 2nd December 2004. OPINION Anne Mugisha Why do citizens simply look on? When I recently posted an announcement on an Internet forum calling Ugandans to join the demonstration against NRM-Zero in Boston, I got a disturbing but revealing response from a Washington-based Ugandan diplomat. He posted three Latin words on the message board: ODERINT DUM METUANT. This means, Let them hate so long as they fear us. The adage is attributed to Lucius Accius, a Roman poet who lived in 170 BC. This seems the new NRM strategy for staying in power. The Movement government cannot stand the growing opposition to Kisanja (move to amend constitution to remove presidential term limits). It has thus decided to literally whip the opposition into silence. The outrage of caning northern Uganda MPs, who were legitimately consulting their constituents, has been mentally processed by cynical Ugandans and tucked away into that part of their memory where they file incidents of state repression. We have become so adept at operating like zombies whenever the state abuses the rights of opposition politicians and activists that even the flogging of our honourable MPs does not seem to stir up any anger beyond those directly affected. Joseph Musasizi a.k.a. Saasi (Besigyes brother who was arrested last week) has become just another statistic: Another member of that prominent opposition (Kizza Besigye) family that has been sent to the cooler as a rebel suspect. That too is something we can simply file away in our very tolerant conscience and go about making our usual deals. Years ago, I had a difficult time convincing my cousin to believe in the adage that people get the leaders they deserve because he argued vigorously that we did not deserve Idi Amin. Today, I realise that we were both probably right but we disagreed because we were reflecting on the same idea from different perspectives. He believed that Uganda was a God-loving nation with mostly good and honest people who should never have had to suffer the rule of a dictator. I, on the other hand, believed that Edmund Burke (1729 1797) was right when he said: The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing. Two decades after we had that argument, my cousin and I are both lawyers and while he works with the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) to ensure that people like Saasi end up in prison, I am in exile working with those Ugandans who refuse to sit around doing nothing as evil triumphs. The Movement government has carried out a targeted campaign of terror and repression for a very long time now and I only became fully conscious of it in 2000 when I became politically active. Criminalising the opposition is a well targeted and executed policy by the military intelligence which will continue to work until Ugandans collectively say: NO to this outrage. Immediately after the 2001 elections, I was among a crowd of people that escorted Kizza Besigye to the CID offices for the first of several appearances to answer fabricated treason charges. Kasese town was partially burnt by alleged rebels and a mysterious letter appeared out of the blue from alleged rebel elements thanking Besigye for delivering to them a consignment of arms. The whole plot seemed so ludicrous that I thought anyone could see through the simple-minded scheme. How wrong I was then and how little things have changed! Since then, Winnie Byanyima (Besigyes wife) has been put behind bars, little Anselm (their son) has been arrested at a border post, and many other uncelebrated Ugandans are in prison over unsubstantiated allegations of treason. And so Saasi becomes the latest member of the forgotten PRA suspects. Twenty-two of them were paraded in Arua some time ago just like the ones that were paraded in Koboko last week. The fate of the first 22 is unknown even after they complied with the requirements of the amnesty law and publicly denounced rebellion. The one that got away, Dr. W. Okungu, is in Sweden waiting for his umpteenth operation to try and correct the disfigurement that he got while passing through Ugandas torture chambers. How is it possible that God-fearing Ugandans and the international community can stand by and look on with ambivalence? One final quote that I recently picked says: How fortunate for leaders that men do not think. That one is attributed to Adolf Hitler, 1889-1945. The author is a member of the opposition FDC and lives in the U.S.A. Anne Mugisha Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Government rejects weak abuses
2nd December 2004. Government rejects weak abuses By The AnalystWEEKLY OBSERVER EAST AFRICA, November - The government of an East African country has banned citizens from abusing the President because they are terribly bad at it. Announcing the ban, the Minister of Misinformation, Dr. Nshaba Bwikaliro, said that given his position, the President deserved better abuses than he has been getting through the many FM radio stations in the capital Green City. You hear someone describing the President as tired. A fellow wastes his airtime to call into a radio talk show and the most imaginative abuse he can come up with is that the President is Bemba Musota! How many people know the story of Bemba Musota? To abuse a whole President like this is a joke, Dr. Bwikaliro declared, sounding like an angered District Commissioner during Milton Obotes time. The Misinformation minister claimed that one day, he heard someone abuse the President that he is Schwarzenegger. Anyone would love to be Schwarzenegger, especially after his exploits in the blockbuster movie The Terminator. So why would anyone think that he is abusing the President by calling his Schwarzenegger? That is a complement! Dr. Bwikaliro wondered. He said that the President had even volunteered to teach his people how to abuse, but they were too daft to learn.The other day, he described a former president as a ghost. I think he looked at his hair and concluded that he looked like a ghost. Dont ask me where he saw a ghost, perhaps in the bush where he spent five years fighting you got it a ghost. But the one I really love is where he called past leaders swine. Just think about it; a pig running around State House in the belief that that it is running the country. Now, that is an abuse, Dr. Bwikaliro said. He also cited the Presidents description of a former minister as mere spoke as a good example of what an abuse should be.You dont want to get your foot or hand caught in spokes. It can be a very painful experience. So when someone describes you as a spoke, they are basically saying that you can cause very serious injury to others. Despite such lessons in hurling insults at people, citizens had completely failed to learn the art of using foul language. If they cant do it, let them shut up, he said. Now that the citizens had failed to abuse the President properly, the Misinformation minister said, government was instead going to encourage them to do what they do best praise the President. We are going to start a scheme where each radio station that sings the Presidents praises will be rewarded with the usual Shs 5 million. Let insulting others be left to those with the talent to do so. You all know whom I am talking about, he declared. [EMAIL PROTECTED] Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Icon of political morality -- He is an endangered species!
Article Published on: 25th November 2004. Icon of political morality By Benon Herbert OlukaWEEKLY OBSERVER Far from the vibrant and maverick minister that he was in his prime, Mzee Cuthbert Joseph Obwangor, 84, now needs crutches to get around. However, though age has taken its toll on the former Obote I minister and MP, his memory remains razor-sharp: He remembers the exact dates when the most significant things in his life happened. Cuthbert Joseph Obwangor I was born on November 4, 1920, he said with a chuckle. Yet, except for the crutches and the wrinkles on his face, C.J. as his contemporaries know him is as effervescent as anyone can get. As recently as 1994, Obwangor was a member of the National Resistance Council (interim parliament between 1986 and 1996).After he retired from politics, Obwangor retreated to his home on the outskirts of Soroti town, where Voice of Americas Shaka Ssali and I found him on November 16. Shaka was on a special assignment to East Africa, but he felt a compelling need to meet with a man he calls a political and democratic treasure for Uganda. I have come to pay tribute to him for what he did, Shaka said on our way to Soroti. The tribute was a one-hour conversation and a Voice of America watch for a present. It certainly spoke volumes about Obwangors stature that Shaka drove for four hours to Soroti to pay homage to him. People like Shaka admire Obwangors past a legacy revered by all who attach value to principles. During the Obote I government, Obwangor made a name when as a minister he declined to submit to the principle of collective cabinet responsibility and attacked what he deemed unjust government policy. Obwangor was opposed to Dr. Apollo Milton Obotes dictatorial proposals in the making of the 1967 constitution. What is the use of having political independence without political freedom? he asked during our interview. It is a question Obote must have found hard to answer back then. Obote, having contemplated defeat at the hands of his own ministers, became paranoid and arrested five of them (Grace Ibingira, Dr. E.B.S. Lumu, George Magezi, Mathias Ngobi and Balaki Kirya). Obwangor insisted on a fair trial for the detainees. I refused arresting people without trial, he says. When Obote rejected his plea, Obwangor resigned on July 11, 1967. Immediately after his resignation, Obwangor was arrested, together with 8 MPs who had openly supported his view. Not everybody was on his side, though. Back in Soroti, Obwangor was being derided for giving up such a lucrative position, but he stuck to his principles. My people were telling me: You are losing Shs 60,000. But I said I didnt come [to politics] for money, he recalls, wagging his finger authoritatively. Obwangor may have lost the money and affluence that comes with being cabinet minister in Uganda, but he is at least happy that he didnt corrupt his conscience. Sitting in front of his once flamboyant but now dilapidated double-storied house in Soroti, Obwangor is at peace with his conscience. His house, though built in the 1960s, remains unfinished without shutters in some windows. In their place are rusty, soot covered iron sheets. On the front of the house is an iron plaque with the words: airiamunet ateker (the clan meeting place). It is probably because he wants to stay close to his people that Obwangor chose not to fence his house. He obviously had the means then, but he chose not to. Like his house, most of Obwangors life is basic, though he says he has the capacity to have a more affluent lifestyle.Obwangor does not accept to be injected when he falls sick, doesnt eat anything white (say rice or posho), and is not keen on fried food. Those, to him, are the secrets to a long life. He says he has no regrets for the decisions he took and the way he lived his life. But after a pause, he adds: Except this government because they dont listen to the people. Though the wily old fox and the present government are not bedfellows, he is a close friend to President Museveni, who was one of his cadres in the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) youth league in 1963. At the time (1962-1967), Obwangor was the national treasurer of the UPC youth league. Those are my boys Museveni, Bidandi Ssali and [James] Wapakhabulo. They used to come to me in my office on plot 4, Nakasero, he said. The old man has mixed feelings about the president fond memories of a young Museveni and reservations about him now.Museveni was intelligent and willing to obey. He knew what to do to get a good name, but he has been spoilt by power, he said. Yet, such is the Presidents respect for him that whenever Museveni is in Soroti, he never fails to seek Obwangors wise counsel. In July, when the President visited the Eastern Uganda town, the two met again and we had a good conversation.I told him to do the work properly and he laughed, Obwangor said. For all their cordial relationship, Obwangor and
[Ugnet] INTERVIEW: Let M7 keep his promise -Shaka Ssali
Article Published on: 25th November 2004. INTERVIEW: Let M7 keep his promise Voice of Americas senior editor and talk show host Shaka Ssali, 52, has been here on holiday. Now an American citizen, RICHARD M. KAVUMA spoke to him about coming home as a foreigner in his own country and his views on Ugandan politics: How Ugandan do you feel given your American passport?Shaka: The fact that I have to look for a visa to enter my own country, the land of my ancestors, a land where I was born and I am from, obviously makes you feel disappointed. Somehow you cant believe that [you are an alien] because you are now holding another countrys passport which is really like the moral equivalent of ekitambulisho something that enables me to have a career, to be able to take care of myself, and also live legally in another country. At some point we were looked at as victims of brain drain, but we can reverse it into a brain gain. Countries like Israel, South Korea, Taiwan, have developed [partly] because of enormous contribution of their nationals who were living in developed countries... Shaka Ssali So it should not be a privilege to be Ugandans. I was born in Kabale and you cant take that away from me. My father and mother were born here, they made their contribution, they paid their taxes; some of my sisters live here. I have a brother who lives in Kabale. You are not going to say that I am not a Ugandan. It is just a small technicality and I am glad that on this one government is on the right track [planning to legalise dual citizenship]. What do you make of the ongoing political transition?Shaka: There are no timelines or any serious effort towards that. The [ruling] Movement seems to be dragging its feet, waiting to see when it can get an advantage... And then you have this idea of shifting the constitutional goalposts or the ekisanja: how President Yoweri Museveni should be given opportunity to hang on because he is the only man with the vision. I dont see how a population of [27] million people can have only one individual who has a vision. And this constitution [which sets term limits] was made on his watch. He is the man who in fact once said that he didnt see how an African leader could serve more than ten years. [But] the last time I checked, President Museveni is into his 19th year and he wants to continue because he says the people love him. Yet, we have not even had an election that could be viewed as free and fair, with a level playing field and genuine competition. If there was any competition, it is like imagining two boxers: a government boxer having his legs and hands free against an opposition boxer whose hands are tied behind his back and his legs also tied. And the Movement is saying: you are not punching! Still, the opposition has come under considerable criticism: What could they have done better? Shaka: They need to mobilise and organise themselves and borrow a leaf, for example, from neighbouring Kenya where the National Rainbow Coalition won perhaps one of the freest and fairest elections anywhere in the world. They were able to bury their differences and unite into a formidable group. Of course you know what has happened since the election but at least in the Kenyan case, you can say that they have reached a sort of political maturity in the sense that they are now engaged in the battle of ideas. The ground is levelled.In the context of Uganda it is not levelled... It is as if the Movement controls the playing field, controls the ball, referee, linesmen, and probably the fans. It becomes very difficult to blame the opposition. Should Museveni get ekisanja [third term]?Shaka: [Museveni] should find out frankly if staying on would be part of the solution or part of the problem. In 2001 he said in his manifesto that he wanted his second and last term [ending 2006] in order to accomplish three things: to choose a successor, professionalise the military and secure a regional economic market. Some cynics will say that he is in the process of accomplishing these; that he is now the chairman of COMESA, which is a regional market; that he has already embarked on professionalising the army with senior army officers undergoing training at Kimaka near Jinja. Now, even though he said in Sowing the Mustard Seed that he had come to the conclusion that Uganda had so many people who could lead it; it seems that Yoweri Kaguta Museveni may have chosen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni [as his successor]. You have not been here in two years. What has changed?Shaka: A lot of people, more than ever before, are willing to say that it is time for change. Some of these people say that President Museveni has done a great job especially in fighting AIDS, leading the transition, selling Uganda abroad, building infrastructure like roads. But many of them say that the best thing President Museveni can do is to give Ugandans a great present by saying that under no circumstances does he see himself
[Ugnet] Big Men - you cant live between life and death
Ear to the Ground By Charles Onyango ObboBig Men - you cant live between life and deathDec 1, 2004 This column had been written on a very different subject. To be precise, about exiled opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigyes recent call in to the Straight Talk programme on the Voice of America hosted by the Kabale Kid Shaka Ssali. There were references to George Orwells great book, Animal Farm and the leaders of the animals revolution, the pigs Napoleon (that would be President Yoweri Museveni) Snowball (Eriya Kategaya), the sycophant and Squealer (many contenders for that honour). Together with other animals, they formed what we would recognise in Uganda today as the Movement Historicals. And what happened to their constitution, after it went through several amendments and turned Napoleon into a tyrant. But to that, if the times permit it, we shall return next week. My attention was instead taken by the 3rd Quarter issue of Global Journalist, published by the International Press Institute, which features the Pictures of the Year from the previous 12 months. The photos mine the deep recesses of the range of human emotions love, hope, desperation, innocence: An adrenalin packed moment during a Sierra Leonean amputees football match; a dramatic shot of a prostitute with a client in a Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic) brothel; and then a Liberian combatant. As the year ends, the African rebel or government soldier is making it into every photo of the year report. They never miss. After many years, I put a finger on an irony that I had always looked at in these photos yet I could not see. These rebels, militia, and rogue militaries all take the trouble to have a clean haircut. It means they stand in the mirror in the morning, make sure they look good, then go out to kill, rape, or loot. Why would you want to look good, if you were going out to kill or rape? I suspect its because the most complicated relationship we have is not with each other, or our rulers, or our environment, or with our gods, but with death. The scenes in Ramallah, during Palestinian leader Yasser Arafats burial, were a display of public grief that I no longer thought human beings were still capable of this in a place where death is a constant in the bitter Isreali-Palestinian conflict. It seems of all things that die, the Palestinians never imagined Arafat was one of them. Mortality is such an inescapable daily reality, our civilisation in reaction seems to be driven almost solely by affirming life on a constant basis. When we go out to war to kill, we take trouble to look good as a statement that we hope to make it back alive. We love games like soccer, because they offer possibilities that we dont have in life. Death is certain. There is other likely end. But in a soccer game, your team has three options; it can win, it can draw, or it can lose. There are no draws or victories in our lives. We all pass on in the end. Our politics is shaped by the same contradiction. A leader steals an election, jails his opponents, and torments his rivals, making many enemies in the process. He takes away their lives (both in reality and figuratively), so he can extend his. But then he misses out on the joys of the same life, because he cannot go out and bask freely in the sun as he has to beef up his bodyguard into thousands of men, and retreat to live behind a fortress of State House because its the only place he can be safe. The people, battered, resort to the most easily available means to them to get back at the leader their mouths. So they get on their phones and call the radio talk shows and complain. The government decides they are abusing the president, and draws up a list of FM stations to ban. In our lucid moments, we make constitutions that recognise that our bodies age, our minds degenerate, and our joints become rheumatic, so we say thou shall rule for only 10 years. But the next day, we hanker for the logic of the soccer match; we look for a victory or a draw. So we remove the limits on how long one can be in office. Then the day comes, and the ruler is 75 years old. At that point we remember the provision in the constitution that one cannot be president if he/she is more than 75 years old. So we get rid of that too. But there are things that no one, however powerful, can take away from the people. They might not be heard on radio, or be read in the newspapers, but they will still talk. And they will say the Big Man is too old, and so on. The rulers will still try, as they did in the Kenya of Jomo Kenyatta and the Ngwanzi Kamuzu Bandas Malawi, to ban even private speculation about the Big Mans age. As time closes in, like the rebel or soldier who gets a haircut and looks good before going to battle, the denial factor goes into high gear. Buildings and streets, and schools are named after the Big Man. His bust makes it onto the national currency notes. His autobiography becomes compulsory
[Ugnet] How government killed Wapakhabulo
How government killed WapakhabuloSTRANGE BUT TRUE: With Andrew M. Mwenda Dec 1, 2004 It is approaching December 5th, 2003 and a meeting of Commonwealth leaders is due in Abuja, Nigeria. President Yoweri Museveni, accompanied by his State Minister for Foreign Affairs in charge of International Affairs, Tom Butiime, has travelled to Norway.He is on an official visit from where he will be travelling to London, before going to Abuja. Butiime is to return to Uganda for other state duties.Meantime, the Second Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, James Wapakhabulo, has travelled to London on an official trip from where he is to travel to Abuja, and arrive before President Museveni. However, Wapa falls seriously ill and is hospitalised in London. Foreign Affairs decides that Butiime should travel to Abuja instead.Butiime asks for per diem to pay his hotel bills there. Reasonable enough, since he wont be sleeping in the conference hall.Instead of getting fresh money in Kampala, the guys at Foreign Affairs send Uganda's High Commissioner to London, Mr. Sisye Kiryapawo, to Wapakhabulo's deathbed. As Wapa is gasping his last breath, Kiryapawo visits him to "collect Government money." The reasoning is that since the minister is not travelling to Abuja, the per diem should be given to Butiime instead. However when President Museveni arrives in London, he is not told about the fate of his foreign minister.When Butiime is told of where it came from, he rejects the per diem and instead travels to Kampala, hoping to raise money from the cash-starved ministry headquarters. But in Kampala, the Permanent Secretary, Onen and his stand-in, Ambassador Mugume, are both absent and with them are the "keys" to the "vaults." As a stranded Butiime looks around for money to travel and arrive in Abuja before his President, as protocol requires, Kiryapawo travels to Abuja with Joan Kakwenzire, the latter pissed by the callousness with which government had taken money from its Deputy Prime Minister on his deathbed.In Abuja, Kiryapawo goes straight to his counterpart, Joan Rwabyomere. Pulling a khaki envelope from his jacket, Kiryapawo gives the money to Rwabyomere telling her it is Butiime's. Rwabyomere cannot understand why she should be a custodian of Butiime's money. Is it because they come from the same tribe? However, it seems Kakwenzire has tipped her off that the quid had been grabbed from a dying Wapa, and she rejects it. Back in London, Wapa has to look for resources to pay his medical bills. How does he do it, and how does he return to Uganda only to die a few weeks later, a frustrated man? More on this coming soon! © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook FREE pop-up blocking with the new MSN Toolbar MSN Toolbar Get it now! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Saleh and M7 playing good cop bad cop again?-Saleh writes to Museveni on third t
Saleh writes to Museveni on third term By Vision Reporter LT. Gen. Salim Saleh has written to President Yoweri Museveni, advising him to abandon the third term project for the sake of unity of the Movement, The Vanguard newspaper has reported. The Vanguard is rumoured to have close connections to Movement insiders. Saleh is said to have told Museveni, his elder brother, that he was worried that the Movement was losing important cadres and comrades, at a time when they were needed most. Yesterday evening Saleh said, I have to seek the clearance of the commandant of the College before I can talk to you. He is attending a senior commanders course at the Senior Staff College in Kimaka, Jinja. When the commandant allows, I will talk to you, he said on phone. The Vanguard article runs as follows: Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh wrote a confidential letter to his elder brother President Yoweri Museveni advising him to abandon the third term bid for the sake of unity in the Movement. In his letter to the president, which he wrote a couple of weeks ago, Saleh says it worries him to see most of what he called important comrades abandon the Movement at the time of need over an issue that could be solved. Saleh says he has talked to most of the Movement colleagues who defected to the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and the only disagreement was the third term. Saleh quotes Kategaya and Pulkol as saying should the President change his mind, they are more than ready to rejoin the Movement. He also advises President Museveni to be mindful of the people around him as some of them could be championing their own interests. Saleh says if Museveni decided against the third term, FDC would be nowhere since their only unifying factor is the fight against President Musevenis third term. On receiving Salehs letter, the President reportedly called him in the presence of Hon. (Sam) Kuteesa, Amama Mbabazi and a few others to explain his position so others can get to know better, which Saleh did. The President reportedly told Saleh that he had never asked for a third term but insisted that if Ugandans decided on amending the Constitution through a referendum, nothing would stand in their way and that it would be done as people wish. Asked to clarify on the letter, he said, I dont believe in media these days because you carry a lot of lies before he asked that we call him after class and hang up. When we raised him later, he would not pick his phone. In a related development, he secretly said he was not interested in running for another term but had insisted that if Ugandans decided to remove term limits through a referendum next year, it would be done. He is reportedly vetting Amama Mbabazi to stand as a presidential candidate for 2006. We wait and see. Published on: Wednesday, 1st December, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] PRESS RELEASE
PRESS RELEASE BY GGWANGA MUJJE LONDON 30-11-04 In January 1986 Museveni (M7) took power by force of arms and pledged to hold elections after 4 years. Four years later, M7 refused to hold elections declaring that he needed more time to complete his social and economic reforms. Meanwhile, he created his own party, named it the "Movement System" and decreed that all Ugandans are members. All political association and assembly outside of the Movement System were banned. Ten years of military rule "ended" in 1995 when Museveni wrote a new constitution for Uganda. Under this constitution, he was to serve a maximum of two 5-year terms ending in 2006. He has once again changed his mind and is proposing to impose a new constitution allowing him to rule for life. Under the new constitution, he has usurped the powers of the judiciary and parliament. From hereon his decisions cannot be challenged or appealed. In his new constitution, he promises to remove any cultural/traditional hereditary leader who dares to challenge him, which is a blatant attack on our heritage and cultural pride. In his new constitution, he makes clear that he will have powers to confiscate private property for what he claims to be national development. This is clearly a backdoor to use the law to steal private property, particularly land, for the benefit of M7 and his circle of looters. In his new constitution, he rejects the proposal for the popularly preferred federal (federo) system of government because, he argues, federo encroaches on his right to dictate to Ugandans. Without a clear development plan, M7 continues to rely on European Union, International Monetary Fund, World Bank and Western Governments money to finance his dictatorship. Meanwhile poverty throughout Uganda remains at biting point; fleecing of the treasury and corruption in the "Movement System" is at the optimum; while nepotism has become a national policy under M7s Government. For example, early this month, M7 dipped his hand into public funds to bribe 223 MPs with Shs5m per head to support his new constitution! Without any shame he said he would do it again. We condemn the anti-democratic "Movement System" of Yoweri Museveni; the banning of political party activities; the intrusion by Museveni into our heritage and cultural rights; the stealing of land; the rejection of a federo system; and the total lack of respect for human rights. We condemn the genocide in Northern Uganda, which has cost over a quarter of a million lives and resulted in the displacement of over 1.5 million people. For 18 years M7 has failed to stop the killing fields of Northern Uganda and we demand that this war be investigated by the United Nations. We condemn the nepotic and corrupt system of government that has been imposed on Uganda and we demand that the UK and the World Community stop forthwith supporting Musevenis vile regime. We demand to be free of the thieving dictator and be allowed to plan a better future for Uganda that values and respects every Ugandan. Signed: Abdul Ssekimwanyi for Ggwanga Mujje GGWANGA MUJJE, P.O. Box 9140, London W3 6GN Gook Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! MSN Messenger Download today it's FREE! ___ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Did Odoi fox up his boss game plan of 2006?
Hello Mr President: By David Ouma Balikowa Did Odoi fox up his boss game plan of 2006? Nov 26, 2004 Mr Fox Odoi the president's legal assistant declared last week that his boss is standing for office again in 2006. From early last year when the 'third term" saga begun, State House and government fought hard to suppress any suggestion that President Museveni was fighting to lift the two term limits so that he could be eligible for stand. In 2006, Museveni would have ruled this country for two decades. The children born in the year he shot his way into power will in 2006 enter their second year at university. This year alone, there were numerous clarifications in the media whenever it alluded to the fact that Museveni would stand in 2006. At that material time there was a painful attempt to try separate the bid to lift the term limits and Museveni's self interest as the direct beneficiary.Some Ugandans and some diplomats alike seemed to buy the disinformation. They argued that Museveni was too "reasonable" not to see the light and quit come 2006. Others believed that Museveni was simply waiting to take the nation by surprise by announcing his retirement in the last stretch to the 2006 polls. SPOILER? Fox Odoi Such assumptions seemed to ignore even the very basic rules in politics. A late surprise announcement would neither help his party the NRM/O nor the person he would want to replace him as president. It is important to understand how Museveni operates - something many of his opponents and supporters alike never do. As early as 1996, it was evident that Museveni harboured no intention of quitting power; not even in 2001, 2006 or 2012. Yet the mere mention of this earned one the wrath of Museveni's die-hard supporters, some of them now in the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). They rubbished any suggestion that Museveni would try to stay on after 20 years in power as very pre-sumptuous and at worst a hatred campaign against the president. The plot to burst the two term limits was kicked into motion as early as 2001 soon after Museveni commenced on his fourth term in office. During the campaign for his fourth term, he told the nation that he didn't care if people elected MPs who went into parliament to sleep but as long as they woke up in time to vote on the president's side. There had been a consolation among the opposition that some MPs will eat Museveni's money but vote with the opposition. Or that they will pretend to sleep in parliament but wake up in time to vote against Museveni. If there are MPs in this category, they seem to have failed their first test. Last week they voted against the opposition's attempts to probe the source of the Shs 5m the NRM/O dished out to them to support the lifting of the term limits. The test proved that they are more inclined to vote by the pocket and not their conscience. The high stakes are simply too high and Museveni will do everything to retain office at all costs. The opposition -- especially the FDC -- might be better off working on the assumption that they are instead the ones being duped by these MPs who are pretending to be simply eating Museveni's money. Some of FDC's MPs have not broken link with NRM/O and it is very difficult to gauge exactly where they belong. To the contrary, the bitter truth is that Museveni has a higher capacity to infiltrate the opposition with more precision. The entire state security and intelligence machinery is at his disposal to carry out the dirt job. Never mind that he would be using taxpayers' money to penetrate the opposition and gain political advantage over his opponents. To this day, former presidential candidate Kizza Besigye might still not know the extent to which his camp was infiltrated during the 2001 campaigns. The inside story of the dirty work by the intelligence organs will be a master seller when finally written. Incidents like these ones are beyond the comprehension of the Electoral Commission (EC). The EC itself is often the target of such penetration. The "bribing" we witnessed at the MP level will soon trickle down to the districts if it is not doing so already. As early as 2002, the NRM started recruiting in the districts mobilisers for the 2006 project. Many of the recruits are district employees. They ferried them to the so-called political school in Kyankwanzi where they prepared them for the 2006 project. The "force" will soon be motivated the way the MPs were and unleashed on the opposition. Those screaming about the treasury being raided haven't seen anything yet. They will soon scream their throats hoarse. Unfortunately, not many influential voice's will respond to their alarm. The donors will try to threaten Museveni, but he will not be deterred by "diplomatic noise." He is got used to it and can afford to ignore it. Besides he can juggle government spending in a manner that disguises political expenditures and easily shake the donors off his trail. An American friend
