Gary. R., List,

How about if we ask a different kind of question.  Given the descriptions of 
the other methods for fixing belief, is there  any real difference between 
theory and practice?  That is, if we consider the arguments Peirce makes in the 
first lecture collected in RLT, is it possible to characterize pure theoretical 
inquiry in terms of any of those other methods?  Or, is all inquiry that is 
guided by those methods practically oriented in the sense that the ends 
governing the inquiry have a finite time horizon?

On the basis of Peirce's account of induction, the validity of particular acts 
of inductive inference requires of us we identify our interests with the larger 
community of inquiry because only the community is capable of continuing the 
tests needed to eliminate possible sources of error.  Only on the basis of such 
an identification will have have reason to think that our answers will tend to 
converge on the truth.

--Jeff

Jeff Downard
Associate Professor
Department of Philosophy
NAU
(o) 523-8354
________________________________
From: Gary Richmond [[email protected]]
Sent: Thursday, May 08, 2014 10:40 AM
To: Benjamin Udell
Cc: Peirce-L
Subject: Re: [PEIRCE-L] RE: de Waal Seminar: Chapter 6, Philosophy of Science

Ben, Frank, Gary F., List,

I can't say that I see the 4 methods of fixing belief closely linked to the 3 
patterns of inference nor the 3 categories.

Best,

Gary R.


Gary Richmond
Philosophy and Critical Thinking
Communication Studies
LaGuardia College of the City University of New York


On Wed, May 7, 2014 at 1:18 PM, Benjamin Udell 
<[email protected]<mailto:[email protected]>> wrote:

Frank, Gary F., Gary R., list,

When I said that the method of opinion came to seem to me to consist in 
authority trying to operate in a situation of the method of development of 
opinion (the _a priori_), I meant that it came to seem to be a composite 
method, a view that you suggest at one point in your post.

At some point I was thinking of associating inference modes with the method, 
only I did it a little differently. But unlike with other things that I say 
below, I kept quiet at the time, because I had already discussed the three 
unscientific methods of inquiry at length.

You associated abductive inference with tenacity; inductive inference with 
authority; and deductive inference with the _a priori_. I 'switched' the 
partners of the first two.

*Inductive inference and the method of tenacity.* I saw the method of tenacity 
as involving a kind of misapplication of the method of learning (not 
necessarily cognitive inquiry) by practice and repetition, which is first of 
all a method of learning how to do things skillfully (practice makes perfect). 
One keeps repeating one's opinion, as if to do so were a gradual induction in 
support of it. But it's a willful induction indeed. The opinion itself may be 
generated by any means, as long as it is one's first opinion on the given 
subject, since to the extent that the opinion is not initial, the method is not 
a method of persistence, repetition, willful inertia.

*Abductive inference and the method of authority/contest.* I had seen method of 
authority as a species or phase of a method of struggle or contest or vying, a 
phase such that one side becomes dominant. The method of contest involves a 
kind of misapplication of the learning method of trial and error (and 
variation), which is first of all a method of learning how to struggle and 
develop character. In this mis-application, one tries to impose one's opinion, 
as if to do so were an abductive inference producing it ("I'm right because I'm 
gonna win!") - an abductive inference is, after all, itself a  kind of 
experimental trial, testing a presupposition of one's capacity to guess; in the 
method of contest, the test really is of one's capacity to win, but the 
winner's opinion wins too on the view that _might makes right_. In the 
authoritarian phase, most have joined, or acquiesced to, the winning side. But 
the winner's might, even when not kinetically active, remains in place, holding 
others down. The 'might' may be any kind of what the anthropologists have 
called 'mana' - political and martial strength, wealth (funding etc.), glory 
and charisma, and status. The opinion itself may have originally been reached 
by whatever means.

*Deductive inference and the method of _a priori_.* Before this thread, I 
thought of the method of _a priori_ as the method of contest/authority of 
glamour, charisma, etc., but now I think that at most they intersect. In the 
method of a priori, an opinion is adopted, not because it is the most popular 
or glamorous or hip opinion, but because it is indeed to one's taste. It is a 
kind of mis-application of the learning method of appreciation and emulation, 
better known as 'identification and imitation', which is first of all a method 
of learning to value and developing sensibiity. The opinion represents some 
values that one likes or admires, or is the opinion of some figure whose values 
one likes or admires, and adopts. It's not necessarily one's first opinion, 
instead it is, if anything, one's latest opinion (not necessrily one's last and 
final opinion), one's personal fad; this is the most hedonistic method, in 
which opinion is not a weapon or a means, but a culminal pleasure itself, in 
virtue of its content. That is, the method focuses on _telos_ as culmination 
and ignores entelechy. Still, the shift of the apriori-arrived opinion may be 
slow in time; and while it is personal, it is also social, insofar as it 
involves freely chosen self-herding and emulation not only of idealized models 
but of actual people. Peirce does discuss it in terms of the development of 
intellectual fashion and taste of the public, not just of the individual; and 
there may be fashion leaders and fashion followers. One selects the opinion 
from among the various opinions on offer at the buffet of the currents of 
thought. From its pleasantness and agreeability, one infers as if by deduction 
its truth; or more precisely one likes and expresses it as if the liking and 
expressing were a deduction, a necessary inference, compelled not by authority 
or tenacity but by the current of one's thought. It fits with one's other 
likings and is 'agreeable to reason.'

Well, I gave it a try.

Best, Ben

On 5/7/2014 1:01 AM, Frank Ransom wrote:

Gary F., Gary R., Ben, List,

Gary F, I'm basically leaning on Liszka's scholarship. In his book, he 
identifies the method of public opinion as a fifth method, positioned between 
the method of authority and the method of the a priori (which positioning Ben 
suggests as well). Having seen what you and Ben reference, I suppose Liszka 
might have been mistaken. Then again, I find myself agreeing with Ben that 
there seems to be something distinct about the method of public opinion. As Ben 
also supposes, the method of consensus might be a species of the method of the 
a priori. If the method of public opinion is really about consensus, as it 
seems to me to be, then perhaps Peirce replaced the method of public opinion or 
consensus with the method of the a priori because the method of the a priori 
incorporates public opinion or consensus while also covering other cases 
pertinent to the fermentation of ideas.

Personally, I suppose I would consider the method of public opinion, or 
consensus, distinct from the method of the a priori, due mostly to the fact 
that I have always considered the method of the a priori to be 
characteristically a method pursued by a single mind like Plato, Descartes, or 
Kant, sifting through ideas and ending with what they are inclined to think 
must be the best answer to a given question or problem; while the method of 
public opinion strikes me as more a matter of coherence, not so much between 
ideas, but between the beliefs of the members of a community. Thinking on it 
like this, I'm inclined to view the method of public opinion as after, not 
before, the method of the a priori, since the method of science will, in facing 
reality, inevitably lead to a consensus in the community--the key difference 
between the method of public opinion and the method of science consisting in 
the difference between what the community is led to believe today versus what 
the community is destined to believe.

But perhaps this makes the method of public opinion unduly overlap with the 
method of authority. I have to admit that placing the method of public opinion 
between the method of authority and the method of the a priori appears more 
reasonable in light of this, since it shares in both the community-orientation 
of the method of authority and the free play of ideas in the method of the a 
priori. I think Peirce is himself not altogether clear about how to properly 
characterize the method of public opinion, whether it is a sort of softer 
approach to the method of authority, or whether it is a kind of community 
approach to the comparing of ideas found in the method of the a priori.

Then again, I have wondered about what makes the three non-scientific methods 
what they are, and I have something of an idea about them that I offer for 
consideration. If considered from the standpoint of inference and taking a hint 
from the division of the kinds of inference (which partially makes sense, since 
methodeutic follows upon the work of critical logic), the method of tenacity 
might be a strict adherence to one's abductions, the method of authority might 
rely on enforced inductions (that is, involving some rather brutal facts, 
pardon the wordplay), and the method of the a priori might rely mostly on 
deduction, a comparing of ideas with one another and their consistency or 
inconsistency with one another. This last would certainly engender the 
coherence theory of truth, as Gary F suggests the method of the a priori, 
considered as the method of consensus, would. As for the method of public 
opinion, and its gradual metamorphosis into the method of the a priori, I 
wonder whether it might originally have involved some combination of two of the 
kinds of inference without the third, but over time Peirce (probably not 
consciously) came to want to make each of the three non-scientific methods as 
distinct from one another as possible, leading to each one signifying a method 
primarily committed to one kind of inference over the other two; whereas the 
method of science will involve all three kinds working together. If my 
hypothesis has some truth to it, then it should be possible to consider three 
methods, distinct from the four identified in "The Fixation of Belief," that 
involve combinations of two kinds of inference while minimizing the third. But 
this would probably get a bit messy, as one would likely be inclined to see 
similarities between examples of these hybrid methods with the other, simpler 
methods and look to categorizing any given example of the hybrid methods as 
more or less falling into one of the simpler methods (tenacity, authority, a 
priori), or perhaps as a part of a larger example of the method of science.

Whether this idea regarding the methods can be reconciled with Peirce's 
discussion of just what makes the method of science what it is--direct 
engagement with, and testing of, reality--I don't know. I suppose it can be 
objected that the fact that the method of science deals with reality and the 
idea that the method of science needs all three kinds of inference do not have 
a clear connection with another. Also, it can be argued that the other three 
methods really do use all three kinds of inference, or perhaps at least two (as 
one might imagine that the a priori method involves not only deduction but also 
abduction). Well, I admit that both objections are reasonable. But the latter 
objection is a little weak, as it involves a point about how to properly 
classify the methods, and I find that the proper classification is the one that 
would lead to more fruitful results, which I would maintain is associated more 
with my proposed approach (though admittedly further inquiry is needed to prove 
it so). As to the former objection, I have no way to meet it as of yet, but can 
only say that because no connection is immediately apparent is no real argument 
against there being such connection. So, I guess I'm just saying that there's 
room for further reflection on the suggestion of associating the most basic 
division of kinds of method with the reliance of a given kind of method upon 
one or more of the modes or kinds of inference.

--Franklin


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