joni in which section of PAC 

--- On Mon, 2/1/10, Mohlomphegi Mphahlele <mohlomph...@yahoo.com> wrote:


From: Mohlomphegi Mphahlele <mohlomph...@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [PAYCO]
To: payco@googlegroups.com
Date: Monday, February 1, 2010, 5:10 PM






Majoni!

Homosexuality is nonsense. We can live with those people but cannot legislate 
their nonsense. If all serial killers likes and enjoy killing I think to some 
that will be their democratic right. We can live with serial killers but cannot 
legislate their right of killing. So majoni stop this democratic nonsense and 
be realistic. We cannot condone homosexuality. Payco comrades who are ANC in 
their thinking must live PAC not later than yesterday. I share Mugabe's view on 
homosexuality "They are worse than dogs" 

Izwe Lethu!





From: Thembeka Majali <thembeka.maj...@gmail.com>
To: payco@googlegroups.com
Sent: Sat, January 30, 2010 2:21:56 PM
Subject: Re: [PAYCO]


Do not impose your views on others and be selective in your definition of an 
african and those are your views not that of the PAC. Its heartening to 
hear such individuals rejecting other fellow africanists because of their 
sexual orientation weather you like it or not there are homesexuals inside the 
PAC and live with that reality. 
Furthermore to your utter rubish PAC signed that liberal rights based SA 
Constitution that you are referring to including your member of Parliament, is 
darking and dancing with that charterists constitution. Politically 
and Strategicallyso, you can amend the countries constitution once you take 
political and economic power but as long as you are a handful of members your 
views are just a dream if you are serious about the growth of your membership. 
Remember PAC's aim is to rally and Unite the africans. 
 
Many of you sometimes who are now homophobic were once homosexuals or have 
slept with other men but no one wants to interfere with anyones private life 
or sexual orientation. Its fallacious to think that homesexuality has western 
origins, its roots can also be traced in africa particularly among traditional 
healers perhaps you could do your own research about it. 
 
You are unfair to those african men and women who have given birth to those 
children whose sexual orientation is different from yours. Weather you like it 
or not they will remain as members of the PAC and wont be threatened by such 
utterances. 
There are many youthful issues that you should be responding to not boast about 
your immature intellectual disorientation. 


On Sat, Jan 30, 2010 at 1:44 PM, Thembeka Majali <thembeka.maj...@gmail.com> 
wrote:







On Thu, Jan 28, 2010 at 3:15 PM, khuliso emmanuel <khuliso...@yahoo.com> wrote:






I agree with Mo-Africa Pitso Mphasha. First President of PACYL  
  
Vhahashu Ma-afrika,  homosexuality and lesbianism should be rejected and 
condemned as they are regarded as totally unacceptable to cultural norms and 
values of African society," those who wants to be Africans, they should refrain 
from evil deeds. If PAYCO comrades want to align themselves with the 
constitution of these chaterists, they should do so. But PAC Youth League is 
saying "gay rights are immoral. It's right in the bible" and anybody who will 
be against the PAC Youth League voice will lebelled sellout. 
 
I remain noble son 
Khuliso 

--- On Thu, 1/28/10, Thembeka Majali <thembeka.maj...@gmail.com> wrote:


From: Thembeka Majali <thembeka.maj...@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [PAYCO]
To: payco@googlegroups.com
Date: Thursday, January 28, 2010, 11:35 AM 






Or maybe ask why did we have Azanian Peoples Revolutionary Party a breakaway 
group from PAC in exile?


 
On Thu, Jan 28, 2010 at 11:32 AM, Thembeka Majali <thembeka.maj...@gmail.com> 
wrote:


M'afrika what you are asking could be a similar question to why do we have some 
faction calling themselves Youth League or Women's League. Is it about branding 
or moving with fashion times? 
 
PAYCO I hope you could issue a statement to the Human Rights 
Commission, dismiss those charges against you and publicly distance yourselves 
from the League's confussion.  
 
Read todays SOWETAN. 





On Wed, Jan 27, 2010 at 11:31 AM, Mothibe, Lucas <mothib...@doe.gov.za> wrote:




Izwe lethu
 
Maafrica I need clarity in the following:
 
Are we Comrades or Africanist ?
 
Comrade is  the term that was used by soviets (Marxists and Leninists) when 
greeting each other during those days.
  
Are we socialist or communist ? 
  
Are we  for a  National Democratic Revolution(NDR) or  African Nationalism? 
  
If NDR ,what is the difference between us and SACP. 
  
  
Regards 
Lucas Mothibe 
  


From: payco@googlegroups.com [mailto:pa...@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of 
Mawande Jack
Sent: 19 January 2010 05:24 PM
To: payco@googlegroups.com; PAYCO Azania
Subject: [PAYCO] 



 




 
Haiti-A Call For Global Action
by Randall Robinson
January 07, 2004

Part I 
January 1, 1804 – January 1, 2004:
This day is sacred. 

It is the 200th anniversary of the Haitian Revolution. 

Fought by Haitians. 

Won for us all. 

Between 1791 and 1804, hundreds of thousands of Africans enslaved in Haiti 
ignored the rivers, forests, precipices, swamps, mountains, gorges, 
bloodhounds, rifles, cannon, and whips that separated them and united to launch 
a massive, brilliantly executed, spectacular war of liberation that the armies 
of Spain, England, and France (with the help of the United States) all fought 
desperately – and failed absolutely – to crush. 

The Haitian Revolution was no "lucky break" involving "a few unruly slaves."

This was no "plantation uprising." 

St. Domingue (as Haiti was then called by the French) was at that time the most 
prosperous colonial possession of any European power. It created far greater 
wealth for France than the thirteen American colonies combined. Its massive 
wealth-generating capacity caused it to be known far and wide as "The Pearl of 
the Antilles" and its French owners had a clear and proven management strategy 
for profit maximization: push the slaves to their absolute physical limit, work 
them literally to death, and then quickly import replacement slaves from Africa 
who would, in turn, be worked to death. This, St. Domingue's plantocracy had 
discovered, controlled operating costs, kept the pace of economic activity at a 
highly efficient and productive pace, minimized slack and wastage, and produced 
massive, stupendous profits. 

Two hundred years ago today, however, after a 13-year war of liberation, the 
slaves of St. Domingue celebrated their victory over France and other European 
powers by establishing the Republic of Haiti. They had wrested from Napoleon 
the engine of France's economic expansion, banished slavery from the land, and 
ended European domination of 10,000 square miles of fertile land and hundreds 
of thousands of slaves to work it. 

They had shattered the myth of European invincibility.

"Most have assumed that (Haiti's) slaves had no military experience prior to 
the revolution," John K. Thornton explains in African Soldiers in the Haitian 
Revolution. "Many assume that they rose from agricultural labour to military 
prowess in an amazingly short time.... However, it is probably a mistake to see 
the slaves of St. Domingue as simply agricultural workers, like the peasants of 
Europe... ...A majority of St. Domingue's slaves, especially those who fought 
steadily in the revolution, were born in Africa... ...In fact, a great many... 
...had served in African armies prior to their enslavement and arrival in 
Haiti... ...Sixty to seventy per cent of the adult slaves listed on (St. 
Domingue's) inventories in the late 1780's and 1790's were African born... ... 
...(coming) overwhelmingly from just two areas of Africa: the Lower Guinea 
coast region of modern Benin, Togo and Nigeria (also known as the "Slave 
Coast"), and the Angola coast area....

"Where the African military background of the slaves counted most was in those 
areas, especially in the north (of St. Domingue), where slaves themselves led 
the revolution, both politically and militarily... ... ...These areas...threw 
up the powerful armies of Toussaint Louverture and Dessalines and eventually 
carried the revolution."

A successful revolution in Haiti, Thornton explains, "required the kind of 
skill and discipline that could be found in veteran soldiers, and it was these 
veterans, from wars in Africa, who made up the general will of the St. Domingue 
revolt... ...Kongolese armies contributed the most to St. Domingue rebel 
bands... ...(Their) tactical organization was very different from that of 
Europe... ...(and they) had learned to deal successfully with Portuguese armies 
and tactics in the years of struggle (in Africa), driving out invaders... ...No 
doubt these tactics could help those who found themselves in St. Domingue on 
the eve of the revolution.

"Kongolese armies seem to have been organized in...platoons...that struck at 
enemy advancing columns and sustained an engagement for a time before breaking 
off and retreating... ...They made use of cover, both from terrain and from 
woods and tall grass, in hiding their movements and directing their fire. When 
they fled it was not possible to follow them." Portuguese troops who had fought 
the Kongolese in Africa also reported that the Kongolese used "shocks – larger 
engagements involving massed Kongolese units. According to the Portuguese 
accounts, large bodies were assembled for shocks supported by artillery, 
sometimes they formed in extensive half moon formations which apparently sought 
partial envelopment of opposing forces, in other cases in columns of great 
depth along fronts of 15-20 soldiers....

"Their tactics showed a penchant for skirmishing attacks rather than the heavy 
assaults favoured by Europeans in the same era... ...Kongolese armies had a 
higher command structure that could mass troops quickly, and soldiers were also 
accustomed to forming effectively into larger units for major battles when the 
situation warranted.... ...Dahomey's armies included a fairly large 
professional force... ...Oyo relied heavily on cavalry forces, had relatively 
few foot soldiers and throughout the 1700's was the pre-eminent...military 
power in (west Africa)... ...Dahomey's troops... ...fought in close order using 
fire discipline quite similar to that of Europe... ...

"It was from these disparate 'arts of war' that the revolutionary African 
soldier of St. Domingue was trained... ...

"One can easily see, in the formation of the bands mentioned in the early 
descriptions of the (Haitian Revolution), the small platoons of the Kongolese 
armies, each under an independent commander and accustomed to considerable 
tactical decision making; or perhaps those small units characteristic of 
locally organized Dahomean units; the state armies of the Mahi country; or the 
coastal forces of the Slave Coast... ...

"In addition the pattern of attacks with small scale harassing maneuvers, 
short, sustained battles and then rapid withdrawals are also reminiscent of the 
campaign diaries of the Portuguese field commanders in Angola. Felix Carteau, 
an early observer of the war in the north of St. Domingue noted that the (slave 
revolutionaries) harassed French forces day and night. Usually, he commented, 
they were repelled, but each time, they dispersed so quickly, so completely in 
ditches, hedges and other areas of natural cover that real pursuit was 
impossible. However, rebel casualties were light in these attacks, so that the 
next day they reappeared with great numbers of people. They never mass in the 
open, wrote another witness, or wait in line to charge, but advance dispersed, 
so that they appear to be six times as numerous as they really are. Yet they 
were disciplined, since they might advance with great clamor and then suddenly 
and simultaneously fall silent....

"It was not long before observers noted that the rebels (in St. Domingue) had 
developed the sort of higher order tactics that was also characteristic of 
Kongolese forces, or those of the Slave Coast....

"In addition to these tactical similarities to African wars, especially in 
Kongo, there were other indications of the African ethos of the fighters... 
...they marched, formed and attacked accompanied by the 'music peculiar to 
Negroes....' Their religious preparation, likewise, hearkened back to Africa....

"It is unlikely that many slaves would have learned equestrian skills as a part 
of their plantation labor... ...Since there was virtually no cavalry in Angola, 
one can speculate that rebels originating from Oyo might have provided at least 
some of the trained horsemen. Also, the Senegalese, though a minority, also 
came from an equestrian culture... ....

"African soldiers may well have provided the key element of the early success 
of the revolution. They might have enabled its survival when it was threatened 
by reinforced armies from Europe. Looking at the rebel slaves of Haiti as 
African veterans rather than as Haitian plantation workers may well prove to be 
the key that unlocks the mystery of the success of the largest slave revolt in 
history."

St. Domingue's policy of working its slaves to death and then quickly importing 
replacements from Africa proved to be the ultimate karmic boomerang. St. 
Domingue's African-born slaves not only were not yet broken psychologically, 
but they were also in possession of significant military training and 
experience gained on the other side of the Atlantic. And they combined with 
brilliant, indefatigable, St. Domingue-born blacks like Toussaint L'Ouverture 
and Dessalines to create a black revolutionary juggernaut the likes of which 
Europe and the United States had not seen before – or since. 

The blacks of St. Domingue forced the world to see both them and the millions 
of other Africans enslaved throughout the Americas with new eyes. No longer 
could it be assumed that they could forever be brutalized into creating massive 
fortunes and building sprawling empires for the glory of Europe and America.

On January 1, 1804, hundreds of thousands of slave revolutionaries established 
an independent republic and named it Haiti in honor of the Amerindian people, 
long since killed off by European brutality and diseases, who had called the 
land Ayiti – Land of Many Mountains. They had banished slavery from their land 
and proclaimed it an official refuge for escaped slaves from anywhere in the 
world. They had defeated the mightiest of the mighty. They had shattered the 
myth of European invincibility. 

Europe was livid. America, apoplectic. The blacks in St. Domingue had forgotten 
their place and would be made to pay. Dearly. For the next two hundred years.

Toussaint L'Ouverture, Dessalines, and their slave revolutionaries must forever 
live in our hearts as inspiring, authentic counterweights to the 
"yassuh-nosuh-scratch- where-ah-don'-itch-and-dance-tho-there-ain'-no-music" 
image of our forebears that Europe and the United States have drilled into our 
psyches.

And we must remember that history forgets, first, those who forget themselves. 
Via means direct and indirect, crass and subtle, there have been whispers and 
street corner shouts that "current conditions in Haiti" make our celebration of 
the Haitian Revolution "inappropriate" at this time.

We, whose souls and psyches have been bleached of everything prior to the 
Middle Passage are now being told that we must tear from our consciousness and 
rip from our hearts the most dramatic and triumphal assertion of forebears' 
dignity, worth, and perspicacity since the Middle Passage. 

How diabolically contemptuous.

Not only must we not forget the Haitian Revolution, we must celebrate it. 
Today, through all of this its bicentennial year, and beyond. 

And we must research, understand, and expose what happened to Haiti and in 
Haiti since the revolution. We must become fully conversant with the role of 
"the world's leading democracies" in Haiti between 1804 and today. We must 
develop a keen understanding of the repercussions of the 61-year economic 
embargo that the United States imposed on Haiti in response to its declaration 
of independence, and we must recognize the current-day consequences of France 
forcing Haiti to pay 90 million in gold francs (equivalent today to some $20 
billion) in 1825 as "compensation" for Haiti declaring its independence – or be 
crushed militarily by France.

Today, "the world's leading democracies" cluck and gloat at their ongoing 
stranglehold – in the form of a crushing financial embargo – on today's 
descendants of Toussaint, Dessalines, and their freedom fighters. Throughout 
the Americas, we who benefited from the daring war waged by the slaves of St. 
Domingue, must reject the maneuverings of the world's most powerful nations in 
Haiti and find ways to build bridges to the Haitian people and the officials 
they choose – through the ballot – to lead them.

Just over two hundred years ago, after there had been a "cessation of 
hostilities" and the brilliant military strategist Toussaint L'Ouverture had 
already retired to a quiet life in the St. Domingue country-side, France 
decided, nonetheless, to arrest and ship him to a prison cell 3,000 feet up the 
Jura Mountains of France where he would freeze to death. As he stepped on board 
the boat that would forever take him away from St. Domingue, Toussaint issued a 
promise to his captors and a call to us all. 
"In overthrowing me, you have cut down in St. Domingue only the trunk of the 
tree of liberty. It will spring up again by the roots for they are numerous and 
deep." 
We are those roots. 

The revolution was fought by Haitians, but won for us all. 

Through our work and with our resources, in a spirit of self-respect and 
self-awareness, we must serve as counterweights to the powerful nations who 
deem the ballot box sacrosanct in their countries, but surreptitiously 
encourage and manipulate its rejection by "the opposition" in Haiti. We must 
serve as proponents of political civility and social justice in Haiti while 
"the world's leading democracies" slyly encourage recalcitrance, tumult, and 
division. We must reject being manipulated by the corporate media into 
embracing the notion that in France, Germany, the United States and other 
"civilized nations" elections are the only legitimate determinant of the will 
of the people, but in Haiti those street demonstrations specially selected by 
the corporate media for coverage tell us all we need to know about anybody's 
will. We must impress upon all Haitians the fact that the outside world does 
not distinguish between – and cares nothing about –
 Lavalas, Convergence, or any other political grouping. The world sees only 
"Haiti," "Haitians," and all the connotations that western media have attached 
thereto. Those nations that two hundred years ago failed desperately in their 
attempts to crush the Haitian Revolution today have a deep psychic need to 
"prove" Toussaint's progeny capable of nothing but disaster. We must reach out 
to and work with our Haitian brothers and sisters to prove these nations wrong. 

Throughout the Diaspora, we must stand with and defend Haiti – on this the 
anniversary of the Haitian Revolution, throughout this bicentennial year, and 
for all time. For in so doing, we stand for and defend ourselves.































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