Question 1 This is an extract from an online encyclopedia
Comrade means "friend", "colleague", or "ally". The word comes from French camarade from Latin camera (room). The term has seen use in the military, but is most commonly associated with left-wing <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Left-wing> movements, where "comrade" has often become a stock phrase <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stock_phrase> and term of address <http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Term_of_address&action=edit&r edlink=1> . The political usage of the term was inspired by the French Revolution <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Revolution> . Upon abolishing the titles of nobility, and the terms monsieur and madame (literally, "milord" and "milady"), the revolutionaries employed the term citoyen(ne) (meaning "citizen <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Citizen> ") to refer to each other. The deposed King Louis XVI <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis_XVI_of_France> , for instance, was referred to as Citoyen Louis Capet <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_of_Capet> to emphasize his loss of privilege. When the socialist movement gained momentum in the mid-19th century, socialists began to look for an egalitarian <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egalitarianism> alternative to terms like "Mister", "Miss", or "Missus". They chose "comrade" as their preferred term of address. In German, this practice was started in 1875, with the establishment of the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Workers%27_Party_of_Germany> . [1] <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comrade#cite_note-vienna-0> [2] <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comrade#cite_note-laden-1> In English, the first known use of the word with this meaning was in 1884 in the socialist magazine Justice. This encyclopedia continues to give a brief overview about South African usage In South Africa <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Africa> , comrade is associated with the liberation struggle more generally and the African National Congress <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African_National_Congress> in particular. The members of unions <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trade_union> affiliated to the ANC through their union federation use the term comrade to refer to each other. Comrade can also be a way of describing someone who is an activist, although it has an association with the ANC and the struggle against apartheid <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apartheid> or economic inequality. The naming of the Comrades Marathon <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comrades_Marathon> is however unrelated, as it commemorates soldiers of World War I <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I> . In Zimbabwe <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zimbabwe> , the term is only used to people who are affiliated to the ruling party, ZANU (PF) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ZANU_(PF)> where the state media also use Cde as short for comrade. Members of the opposition mainly the Movement for Democratic Change <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Movement_for_Democratic_Change_%E2%80%93_T svangirai> are often referred by their names or Mr, Mrs or Prof. Second question 2 We are not Communist, the unsavory alliance between the ANC and the Communists culminated in the PAC BREAKING AWAY FROM THE ANC IN 1959. Thus the PAC has been anti communist take over of the liberation struggle. One of our founder members Mfanasekhaya Gqobose once wrote that there were no Communist in South Africa, he referred to them as "quarks" From: payco@googlegroups.com [mailto:pa...@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Mothibe, Lucas Sent: Wednesday, January 27, 2010 11:32 AM To: payco@googlegroups.com; PAYCO Azania Subject: RE: [PAYCO] Izwe lethu Maafrica I need clarity in the following: Are we Comrades or Africanist ? Comrade is the term that was used by soviets (Marxists and Leninists) when greeting each other during those days. Are we socialist or communist ? Are we for a National Democratic Revolution(NDR) or African Nationalism? If NDR ,what is the difference between us and SACP. Regards Lucas Mothibe From: payco@googlegroups.com [mailto:pa...@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Mawande Jack Sent: 19 January 2010 05:24 PM To: payco@googlegroups.com; PAYCO Azania Subject: [PAYCO] Haiti-A Call For Global Action by Randall Robinson January 07, 2004 Part I January 1, 1804 - January 1, 2004: This day is sacred. It is the 200th anniversary of the Haitian Revolution. Fought by Haitians. Won for us all. Between 1791 and 1804, hundreds of thousands of Africans enslaved in Haiti ignored the rivers, forests, precipices, swamps, mountains, gorges, bloodhounds, rifles, cannon, and whips that separated them and united to launch a massive, brilliantly executed, spectacular war of liberation that the armies of Spain, England, and France (with the help of the United States) all fought desperately - and failed absolutely - to crush. The Haitian Revolution was no "lucky break" involving "a few unruly slaves." This was no "plantation uprising." St. Domingue (as Haiti was then called by the French) was at that time the most prosperous colonial possession of any European power. It created far greater wealth for France than the thirteen American colonies combined. Its massive wealth-generating capacity caused it to be known far and wide as "The Pearl of the Antilles" and its French owners had a clear and proven management strategy for profit maximization: push the slaves to their absolute physical limit, work them literally to death, and then quickly import replacement slaves from Africa who would, in turn, be worked to death. This, St. Domingue's plantocracy had discovered, controlled operating costs, kept the pace of economic activity at a highly efficient and productive pace, minimized slack and wastage, and produced massive, stupendous profits. Two hundred years ago today, however, after a 13-year war of liberation, the slaves of St. Domingue celebrated their victory over France and other European powers by establishing the Republic of Haiti. They had wrested from Napoleon the engine of France's economic expansion, banished slavery from the land, and ended European domination of 10,000 square miles of fertile land and hundreds of thousands of slaves to work it. They had shattered the myth of European invincibility. "Most have assumed that (Haiti's) slaves had no military experience prior to the revolution," John K. Thornton explains in African Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution. "Many assume that they rose from agricultural labour to military prowess in an amazingly short time.... However, it is probably a mistake to see the slaves of St. Domingue as simply agricultural workers, like the peasants of Europe... ...A majority of St. Domingue's slaves, especially those who fought steadily in the revolution, were born in Africa... ...In fact, a great many... ...had served in African armies prior to their enslavement and arrival in Haiti... ...Sixty to seventy per cent of the adult slaves listed on (St. Domingue's) inventories in the late 1780's and 1790's were African born... ... ...(coming) overwhelmingly from just two areas of Africa: the Lower Guinea coast region of modern Benin, Togo and Nigeria (also known as the "Slave Coast"), and the Angola coast area.... "Where the African military background of the slaves counted most was in those areas, especially in the north (of St. Domingue), where slaves themselves led the revolution, both politically and militarily... ... ...These areas...threw up the powerful armies of Toussaint Louverture and Dessalines and eventually carried the revolution." A successful revolution in Haiti, Thornton explains, "required the kind of skill and discipline that could be found in veteran soldiers, and it was these veterans, from wars in Africa, who made up the general will of the St. Domingue revolt... ...Kongolese armies contributed the most to St. Domingue rebel bands... ...(Their) tactical organization was very different from that of Europe... ...(and they) had learned to deal successfully with Portuguese armies and tactics in the years of struggle (in Africa), driving out invaders... ...No doubt these tactics could help those who found themselves in St. Domingue on the eve of the revolution. "Kongolese armies seem to have been organized in...platoons...that struck at enemy advancing columns and sustained an engagement for a time before breaking off and retreating... ...They made use of cover, both from terrain and from woods and tall grass, in hiding their movements and directing their fire. When they fled it was not possible to follow them." Portuguese troops who had fought the Kongolese in Africa also reported that the Kongolese used "shocks - larger engagements involving massed Kongolese units. According to the Portuguese accounts, large bodies were assembled for shocks supported by artillery, sometimes they formed in extensive half moon formations which apparently sought partial envelopment of opposing forces, in other cases in columns of great depth along fronts of 15-20 soldiers.... "Their tactics showed a penchant for skirmishing attacks rather than the heavy assaults favoured by Europeans in the same era... ...Kongolese armies had a higher command structure that could mass troops quickly, and soldiers were also accustomed to forming effectively into larger units for major battles when the situation warranted.... ...Dahomey's armies included a fairly large professional force... ...Oyo relied heavily on cavalry forces, had relatively few foot soldiers and throughout the 1700's was the pre-eminent...military power in (west Africa)... ...Dahomey's troops... ...fought in close order using fire discipline quite similar to that of Europe... ... "It was from these disparate 'arts of war' that the revolutionary African soldier of St. Domingue was trained... ... "One can easily see, in the formation of the bands mentioned in the early descriptions of the (Haitian Revolution), the small platoons of the Kongolese armies, each under an independent commander and accustomed to considerable tactical decision making; or perhaps those small units characteristic of locally organized Dahomean units; the state armies of the Mahi country; or the coastal forces of the Slave Coast... ... "In addition the pattern of attacks with small scale harassing maneuvers, short, sustained battles and then rapid withdrawals are also reminiscent of the campaign diaries of the Portuguese field commanders in Angola. Felix Carteau, an early observer of the war in the north of St. Domingue noted that the (slave revolutionaries) harassed French forces day and night. Usually, he commented, they were repelled, but each time, they dispersed so quickly, so completely in ditches, hedges and other areas of natural cover that real pursuit was impossible. However, rebel casualties were light in these attacks, so that the next day they reappeared with great numbers of people. They never mass in the open, wrote another witness, or wait in line to charge, but advance dispersed, so that they appear to be six times as numerous as they really are. Yet they were disciplined, since they might advance with great clamor and then suddenly and simultaneously fall silent.... "It was not long before observers noted that the rebels (in St. Domingue) had developed the sort of higher order tactics that was also characteristic of Kongolese forces, or those of the Slave Coast.... "In addition to these tactical similarities to African wars, especially in Kongo, there were other indications of the African ethos of the fighters... ...they marched, formed and attacked accompanied by the 'music peculiar to Negroes....' Their religious preparation, likewise, hearkened back to Africa.... "It is unlikely that many slaves would have learned equestrian skills as a part of their plantation labor... ...Since there was virtually no cavalry in Angola, one can speculate that rebels originating from Oyo might have provided at least some of the trained horsemen. Also, the Senegalese, though a minority, also came from an equestrian culture... ... "African soldiers may well have provided the key element of the early success of the revolution. They might have enabled its survival when it was threatened by reinforced armies from Europe. Looking at the rebel slaves of Haiti as African veterans rather than as Haitian plantation workers may well prove to be the key that unlocks the mystery of the success of the largest slave revolt in history." St. Domingue's policy of working its slaves to death and then quickly importing replacements from Africa proved to be the ultimate karmic boomerang. St. Domingue's African-born slaves not only were not yet broken psychologically, but they were also in possession of significant military training and experience gained on the other side of the Atlantic. And they combined with brilliant, indefatigable, St. Domingue-born blacks like Toussaint L'Ouverture and Dessalines to create a black revolutionary juggernaut the likes of which Europe and the United States had not seen before - or since. The blacks of St. Domingue forced the world to see both them and the millions of other Africans enslaved throughout the Americas with new eyes. No longer could it be assumed that they could forever be brutalized into creating massive fortunes and building sprawling empires for the glory of Europe and America. On January 1, 1804, hundreds of thousands of slave revolutionaries established an independent republic and named it Haiti in honor of the Amerindian people, long since killed off by European brutality and diseases, who had called the land Ayiti - Land of Many Mountains. They had banished slavery from their land and proclaimed it an official refuge for escaped slaves from anywhere in the world. They had defeated the mightiest of the mighty. They had shattered the myth of European invincibility. Europe was livid. America, apoplectic. The blacks in St. Domingue had forgotten their place and would be made to pay. Dearly. For the next two hundred years. Toussaint L'Ouverture, Dessalines, and their slave revolutionaries must forever live in our hearts as inspiring, authentic counterweights to the "yassuh-nosuh-scratch- where-ah-don'-itch-and-dance-tho-there-ain'-no-music" image of our forebears that Europe and the United States have drilled into our psyches. And we must remember that history forgets, first, those who forget themselves. Via means direct and indirect, crass and subtle, there have been whispers and street corner shouts that "current conditions in Haiti" make our celebration of the Haitian Revolution "inappropriate" at this time. We, whose souls and psyches have been bleached of everything prior to the Middle Passage are now being told that we must tear from our consciousness and rip from our hearts the most dramatic and triumphal assertion of forebears' dignity, worth, and perspicacity since the Middle Passage. How diabolically contemptuous. Not only must we not forget the Haitian Revolution, we must celebrate it. Today, through all of this its bicentennial year, and beyond. And we must research, understand, and expose what happened to Haiti and in Haiti since the revolution. We must become fully conversant with the role of "the world's leading democracies" in Haiti between 1804 and today. We must develop a keen understanding of the repercussions of the 61-year economic embargo that the United States imposed on Haiti in response to its declaration of independence, and we must recognize the current-day consequences of France forcing Haiti to pay 90 million in gold francs (equivalent today to some $20 billion) in 1825 as "compensation" for Haiti declaring its independence - or be crushed militarily by France. Today, "the world's leading democracies" cluck and gloat at their ongoing stranglehold - in the form of a crushing financial embargo - on today's descendants of Toussaint, Dessalines, and their freedom fighters. Throughout the Americas, we who benefited from the daring war waged by the slaves of St. Domingue, must reject the maneuverings of the world's most powerful nations in Haiti and find ways to build bridges to the Haitian people and the officials they choose - through the ballot - to lead them. Just over two hundred years ago, after there had been a "cessation of hostilities" and the brilliant military strategist Toussaint L'Ouverture had already retired to a quiet life in the St. Domingue country-side, France decided, nonetheless, to arrest and ship him to a prison cell 3,000 feet up the Jura Mountains of France where he would freeze to death. As he stepped on board the boat that would forever take him away from St. Domingue, Toussaint issued a promise to his captors and a call to us all. "In overthrowing me, you have cut down in St. Domingue only the trunk of the tree of liberty. It will spring up again by the roots for they are numerous and deep." We are those roots. The revolution was fought by Haitians, but won for us all. Through our work and with our resources, in a spirit of self-respect and self-awareness, we must serve as counterweights to the powerful nations who deem the ballot box sacrosanct in their countries, but surreptitiously encourage and manipulate its rejection by "the opposition" in Haiti. We must serve as proponents of political civility and social justice in Haiti while "the world's leading democracies" slyly encourage recalcitrance, tumult, and division. We must reject being manipulated by the corporate media into embracing the notion that in France, Germany, the United States and other "civilized nations" elections are the only legitimate determinant of the will of the people, but in Haiti those street demonstrations specially selected by the corporate media for coverage tell us all we need to know about anybody's will. We must impress upon all Haitians the fact that the outside world does not distinguish between - and cares nothing about - Lavalas, Convergence, or any other political grouping. The world sees only "Haiti," "Haitians," and all the connotations that western media have attached thereto. Those nations that two hundred years ago failed desperately in their attempts to crush the Haitian Revolution today have a deep psychic need to "prove" Toussaint's progeny capable of nothing but disaster. We must reach out to and work with our Haitian brothers and sisters to prove these nations wrong. Throughout the Diaspora, we must stand with and defend Haiti - on this the anniversary of the Haitian Revolution, throughout this bicentennial year, and for all time. For in so doing, we stand for and defend ourselves. -- Sending your posting to payco@googlegroups.com Unsubscribe by sending an email to payco-unsubscr...@googlegroups.com You can also visit http://groups.google.com/group/payco Visit our website at www.mayihlome.wordpress.com Disclaimer This email and any accompanying attachments may contain confidential and proprietary information and is intended for the recipient only. This information is private, privileged and protected by law and, accordingly, if you are not the intended recipient, you are requested to delete this entire communication immediately and are notified that any disclosure, copying or distribution of or taking any action based on this information is prohibited. Please notify the sender immediately should you have received this e-mail in error and kindly delete same including copies thereof. Emails cannot be guaranteed to be secure or free of errors or viruses. The sender does not accept any liability or responsibility for any interception, corruption, destruction, loss, late arrival or incompleteness of or tampering or interference with any of the information contained in this email or for its incorrect delivery or non-delivery for whatsoever reason or for its effect on any electronic device of the recipient. Views and opinions expressed or implied in this email are those of the sender unless clearly stated as being that of Rand Water. If verification of this email or any attachment is required, please request a hard-copy version. -- Sending your posting to payco@googlegroups.com Unsubscribe by sending an email to payco-unsubscr...@googlegroups.com You can also visit http://groups.google.com/group/payco Visit our website at www.mayihlome.wordpress.com
<<image001.png>>
