Marya Hart asked how many jurisdictions actually have reliable and
consistent guidelines for batterers' treatment programs which are
followed by sentencing judges?  It is unclear to me what is meant by
"reliable and consistent" in the question posed. Our survey and
analysis of mandatory and voluntary state (U.S.) and provincial
(Canada) guidelines did not systematically examine the extent to
which guidelines were observed by courts mandating domestic violence
offenders into treatment. It is an interesting question and, in our
view, a subject for additional study. However, our survey did
interview representatives from all U.S. state domestic violence
coalitions and their rough equivalents in Canada, and in most
jurisdictions compliance with standards was either driven by
legislation requiring that (U.S.), or influenced through lobbying and
advocacy where standards were voluntary. Also, funding was often
contingent on programs adhering to guidelines. One apparent weakness
we found was that monitoring mechanisms for systematic review of
compliance were generally non-existent other than through audits.

How many courts are sending men to unethical, "quickie" anger management
seminars or similar programs?

We suspect many because that is what we were told by a number of
survey participants. Of course, this is another argument in favor of
approved programs since they create a type of firewall against those
questionable psycho-social practices that have been widely criticized
for the potential risks they pose to victims/survivors.

2) How many abusers flunk out of treatment (fail to complete or to show up
in the first place)? Are these men receiving sanctions from the courts? Are
their failures counted in the success statistics of the programs, or does
research only measure change among men who complete the program?

There are several questions here. Many studies indicate a high rate
of "no-shows" or drop outs from these programs, and anecdotal
information appears to support those figures. I would have to go over
the studies again to be more precise, but I seem to recall figures as
high as 60 to 70 percent never complete if one counts those who made
contact at least once with a program. Again, this says little about
the efficacy of a program for a person who does enter and complete
it, however. Including those who never begin or those who drop out in
an assessment of program effectiveness appears to me to be
unreasonable unless the standard of program success includes
recruitment and retention. One problem in setting this standard is
that success may be measured, as I wrote previously, by a program's
unwillingness to keep a man who consistently refuses to engage in a
change process. Suspension or expulsion can send an important signal
to his partner that he will not change and help her possibly make a
life-saving decision. Because of this, retention would be an
unreliable measure for "effectiveness." Most studies that measure
program "success" by assessing repeat abuse do mention dwindling
sample size with extended post-treatment measures but they try to
minimize outcome bias for this by controlling for varying factors
between completers and non-completers such as education,
socio-economic status, previous abuse, plus a variety of standardized
psychological or marital indexes and tests. I guess the bottom line
on that one is how much credibility you attach to such research
designs and that is a philosophical question (ontology and
epistemology). Personally, I have always argued for varying
methodologies, both qualitative and quantitative.

3) How much false hope is inculcated among victims by the promise of
treatment? How many women reconcile with their abusers thinking counseling
will cure the problem, only to be victimized once again?

I know of one study by my colleague, Dr. Edward Gondolf, that found
participating in a program for batterers was the single most
important factor (surprisingly even more salient than socio-economic
status and education as I recall) for a woman returning to the same
relationship. My hunch (and this is borne out in research from the
field of criminology) is that re-victimization is much more likely if
the counseling does not directly address the abuse but is instead
founded on a more general personal growth or psychological well-being
agenda. Hence, the need for that firewall mentioned above.

4) Does the promise of abuser treatment allow the community--in particular
police, judges and prosecutors--to evade their responsibilities: to take
abuse seriously as the crime it is, to establish meaningful protection for
the victim?

The question appears to imply that you can't do both: have abuser
"treatment" and meaningfully protect. Studies increasingly seem to
show --and I think there is a growing consensus amongst
practitioners here as well-- that no single agency, system or
resource can be effective by itself. A coordinated, multi-systems
intervention including counseling or some rendition of that to stop
the violence is the preferred approach. Arrest and confinement alone
is no more "successful" than "treatment" without sanction for
non-compliance. (Jails are really terrible schools to teach men about
misogyny). While mental health initiatives like these programs can be
included in the wide array of available tactics for control or
accountability evasion, I would argue, as I have previously, that the
proliferation of domestic violence offender programs have contributed
more towards developing a culture that undermines the legitimacy of
woman abuse rather than maintaining it. Certainly the 30+ focus
groups we did with survivors of domestic violence across the state of
Texas last year gave ample evidence of increasing awareness of
domestic violence and better responses by police, prosecutors and
judges over the last two decades. While much work has yet to be done,
I think most who have worked in this field in North America over some
time would concur with this impression.

Juergen Dankwort, Ph.D.
Vancouver, B.C. Canada



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