[PEN-L:6855] Re: puzzle

1996-10-22 Thread Tom Walker

Michael Perelman asked,

Suppose you are given an exam which asked
you to explain, using neo-classical categories, how market economies
throughout the world could experience at the same time
1) rapid technological increase
2) falling wages
3) relatively stable profits
Cobb Douglas functions are optimal.

I would politely explain to the person who handed me the exam that I am not
enrolled in any economics course and therefore am not constrained to use
neo-classical categories even if I do choose to explain the dilemma.

Otherwise known as the gordian knot solution.

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6876] Re: rising rate of profit?

1996-10-24 Thread Tom Walker

Blair wrote

And you a Marxist! Doug, theory tells us that the rate of profit falls over
time. These data must be incorrect!  ;-)

Tsk, tsk, Blair! You left out the crucial term "tendency". Virtually all of
Das Kapital is an exercise in explaining what the capitalists do to _resist_
this tendency (including lengthening the working day and introducing new
technology) and how that ultimately reinforces the tendency.

There's a world of difference between a tendency and a trend.
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6916] Canada: Me and Barbara Amiel

1996-10-25 Thread Tom Walker

Only Canadian subscribers will be aware that Barbara Amiel is the right-wing
columnist wife of Conrad Black, owner of the majority of Canadian
newspapers. Today, I had the unexpected honour of pinch hitting for
Barbara's opinion column in the Vancouver Sun. Don't be alarmed, "Barbara
Amiel will return next week." a note assures at the bottom of my opinion piece.

The headline for my piece came out with an appropriately neo-liberal
sounding slant: "The jobless rate will stay high until government eases
payroll taxes." The headline is not the best summary of my argument, which
is not that payroll tax rates are *too high*, but that the taxes are
*regressive* in their structure and that it is the regressivity of the
structure that kills jobs.

Elsewhere in today's Sun is the news that the Pope endorses Darwin's theory
of evolution and that Conrad Black's Hollinger Inc. has offered to purchase
51% of the shares of Southam (owners of the Vancouver Sun). Another story
highlights a report released by the Canadian Federation of Independent
Business called for reducing payroll taxes to stimulate hiring and
complaining about the current "coddled generation" of job seekers.

Me and Barbara Amiel

Freedom's just another word for nothing left to loose
nothing ain't worth nothing but it's free
Feeling good was easy, Lord, when Barbara sang the blues
Feeling good was good enough for me
Good enough for me and Barbara Amiel...
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6917] Canada: the discipline of the marketplace

1996-10-25 Thread Tom Walker
what is paid in and what is paid out 
by replacing CPP with Super RRSPs, as a certain political party has 
just proposed, under which contributions would be voluntary but funds 
would be privately managed and would have the contributor's name on 
them.  People might even stop regarding these taxes as taxes, since 
they would clearly increase people's net worth.
If you agree to all this, maybe you'll get me to endorse your 
plan.  Cheers, Bill Watson 


Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6923] Re: I'm afraid to say this...

1996-10-25 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood wrote:

Though of course we wouldn't even be talking to each other like this if it
weren't for the Pentagon.

No, Doug, first things first: SPUTNIK -- October 4, 1957 -- *then* the
establishment of the Advanced Research Projects Administration (ARPA)
spawner of ARPANET, begetter of internet.

Which gives me the perfect pretext for a quote I just can't resist sharing:

"Meanwhile, technology is speeding up communication's stepchild, the mails.
Guided missles loaded with letters instead of war heads are being planned
for the distant future. After their successful launching and arrival, new
sorting systems now in use will still be indispensible."

From Life Magazine, November 11, 1957: "Tomorrow's Life Today: Man's
everyday world"

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6963] re: Krugman

1996-10-28 Thread Tom Walker

Jim,

This is all very interesting. But what we really want to know is: what are
his *personal* habits? Does he wipe the rim of the toilet bowl? Does he
leave his dirty dishes in the sink? Does he iron his dollar bills before
going out on a date? ;-)

Michael Perelman calls for my two kopeks on Krugman, my old 
college roomie. I hate to repeat myself, but I'll simply respond 
to (and agree with) what Max Sawicky said:  He is particularly 
vociferous when someone with some stature takes a position he 
doesn't like. Then he starts nattering about credentials or 
professional competence. Those equally ignorant or without 
credentials, however, who advance positions of which he approves
don't get the same treatment. 
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6967] Re: AI unionbuster?

1996-10-28 Thread Tom Walker

maggie coleman wrote,

Other friends tell me that
progressive places demand a tremendous amount of 'free' time on top of wages
which tend to be very low.  In a capitalist organization, this would be
exploitation to increase surplus value.

And Max Sawicky added,

I've been hearing stores like this for 25 years.

I mention this not to air pessimism but because I
think there's a moral:  it pays to be cognizant
of the limits of collective political action,
including the capacity of the working class or
their representatives (much less anyone else)
to make virtuous, disinterested decisions when
given the power to do so.  In other words, there
are proper limits to government.

I agree with both maggie and Max and would like to add my own slant, which
is that this issue is not as 'peripheral' as it may seem. Alex Izurieta
posted to PEN-L an article by Andre Gorz who, in his _Critique of Economic
Reason_, argues for a 'politics of free time'. Gorz's theoretical position
was discussed in a recent issue of New Left Review.

Perhaps the long losing streak of the left and labour comes from the
widespread abandonment of a politics of free time in favour of the politics
of the welfare state. My own quirky reading of history (along with a few
books I've read) tells me that the welfare state began as a conservative
institution to defend the state against revolutionary threats and succeeded
in recruiting to its defense the bulk of the radicals whose original
argument was for the abolition of the state.

This is not to say that there are no 'proper limits' to a politics of free
time, either. On the contrary, proper limits are what may make free time a
*politics* rather than an beguiling, empty slogan.

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:6982] Payroll Tax Ceilings, Employment, and Work Hours (fwd)

1996-10-28 Thread Tom Walker

I am forwarding Jon Kesselman's response to my column on payroll taxes and
work hours that I sent to Pen-l a few days ago.

Date: Mon, 28 Oct 1996 10:44:31 -0800
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Tom Walker)
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Jon Kesselman)
Subject: Payroll Tax Ceilings, Employment, and Work Hours

Dear Tom Walker
   and others on Tom's circulation list:

I read Tom's column on payroll taxes and work hours
with interest.  If any of you wish to delve deeper into the
economic evidence on this point, you may refer to my
recent discussion paper on "Economic Issues of
General Payroll Taxes."  A couple of sections in the
paper, on both theoretical background and empirical
evidence, investigate the relationship between payroll
tax insurable (taxable) ceilings and potential effects on
employment and hours of work per employee.  In fact,
the theory on this point is ambiguous (because of the
existence of scale effects as well as substitution effects,
or profit maximization as well as cost minimization in
the behaviour of firms;
see several cited articles by Bob Hart and others).  The
very limited empirical literature investigating this point
also offers mixed findings (see my paper for citations).
In short, despite the rhetoric on the point of payroll
tax ceilings and adverse employment effects, there is in
fact little solid evidence to support this point or the
related policy concern or alleged cure for the problem.
My paper can be found at:
http://web.arts.ubc.ca/econ/cresppap.htm#1996
This web page has a listing of discussion papers of the
UBC Centre for Research on Economic and Social Policy,
and if you scroll down to DP-41 (the last entry), you will
find the paper with a link that will download the entire
paper in pdf format, which can be read with Adobe
Acrobat Exchange.  This is the first in the CRESP discussion
paper series available for easy downloading in this fashion,
and we intend to release all future papers in this manner.
For anyone interested in the full monograph on payroll
taxes, I expect it to be published some time in the first
half of 1997 by the Canadian Tax Foundation.  (Chapter
7 of that monograph will contain further discussion of the
relation between payroll tax ceilings and employment
and work hours, but I am not planning to release that
chapter as a discussion paper prior to the monograph.)
Regards, Jon K.


  Professor Jon Kesselman
  Centre for Research on Economic
 and Social Policy
   c/o Department of Economics
 University of British Columbia
   Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z1 Canada
   Voice 604-822-5608
 Fax 604-822-5915
***



Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7000] Politics of free time (reply to Max Sawicky)

1996-10-29 Thread Tom Walker


I guess I should explore your web site more because I'm
not clear on what the politics of free time is about.
If it's 'thirty for forty,' then a raft of economic
doubts, or issues, at least, come into play. Work
sharing is a different, more plausible matter, though
I'm not persuaded that it is of such great importance
as to be a 'politics' all by itself.

By all means explore my web site more, I'd also recommend the following for
more comprehensive theoretical and historical discussion:

- Andre Gorz, _Critique of Economic Reason_, Verso, 1989.

- David Roediger and Philip Foner, _Our Own Time: A History of American
Labor and the Working Day_, Greenwood Press, 1989.

- Benjamin Hunnicutt, _Work Without End: Abandoning Shorter Hours for the
Right to Work_, Temple University Press, 1988.

Roediger and Foner argue "The length of the workdays... has historically
been the central issue raised by the American labor movement during its most
dynamic periods of organization".

'Thirty for forty' is a slogan, not a politics. As for 'economic doubts', I
can't agree that political controversies -- even when posed as economic
issues -- are typically resolved by feasibility studies or cost/benefit
analyses. Again, I'll return to my argument that perhaps the long losing
streak of the left stems from its virtual abandonment of the working time issue.

May I add a footnote that could open a whole can of worms: In volume one of
Capital, Marx, distinguishes between the extraction of absolute surplus
value, achieved by the lengthening of the working day and relative surplus
value, achieved by lowering the costs of reproducing labour power. These two
methods of extracting surplus value correspond to two historically
distinctive stages in the organization of the labour process, which Marx
labels "Manufacture" and "Modern Industry" (or, in a previously unpublished
chapter, included as an appendix to the Vintage translation: the Formal and
Real Subsumption of Labour to Capital).

To make a very long story short: I would argue that current changes in the
organization of the labour process (flexible manufacture, contingent
workforces, etc.) strive toward a unique combination of absolute and
relative surplus value. So the length of the working day is not simply an
important issue, it is the central issue for a progressive politics.

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7062] Re: anti-intellectualism against and in the left

1996-10-31 Thread Tom Walker

I think it's fair to say that _most_ pomo is pretentious bs. Some of it is
good stuff, though, and I would definitely include Lyotard, Foucault and
Derrida as having made some valuable contributions. I agree with bill that
the substance is pretty simple, but I've noticed in trying to explain some
of the simplest ideas from pomo that people strongly resist these ideas even
when they are stated clearly -- especially when they are stated clearly.

In my view, people like Derrida are saying something about language (and
'science' in the wider, European sense) that is roughly similar to what Marx
said about the commodity in the section on the fetishism of the commodity in
Capital. "A commodity appears at first sight an extremely obvious, trivial
thing. But its analysis brings out that it is a very strange thing,
abounding in metaphysical subtleties and theological niceties..." Try to
explain the fetishism of the commodity to someone who believes *religiously*
that market exchange is the primordial foundation of all civilization.

I think it's intellectually liberating to realize that received ideas are
not the product of some iron-clad, inexorable natural processs but, in many
cases, are the enshrinement of some pretty silly imaginings and mental
errors. It can also be intoxicating. The tower of post-modern babble
probably owes as much to this intoxication as it does to tenure envy and
post-tenure anxiety.

"All that is solid melts into air..."
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7081] re: A Pomo (re)quest

1996-10-31 Thread Tom Walker

Steve Cullenberg wrote,

I have a suggestion given people's concern
about Marx and Derrida.  What's wrong, good, obtuse, insightful, troubling,
about Derrida's _Specters of Marx_?  A not completely innocent choice I
must confess.

I'm glad you brought that one up. I stood in the bookstore for about 20
minutes leafing through _Spectres of Marx_ hoping for some clue of an excuse
to buy it, take it home and read it. What I wanted to know is if it had
anything to say to contemporary political conditions or if it was strictly
an allusive, illusive literary dissertation. I frankly couldn't find
anything I could get a handle on. "Seemless prose." And I've read and
understood a good chunk of Derrida's other writing.

So, Steve, tell us: what's the story? What's it about?
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7087] re: A Pomo (re)quest

1996-10-31 Thread Tom Walker

Jerry Levy wrote,

Oh, yeah: why don't you ask him to summarize _Capital_ for a 30 second
soundbite for "Nightline"? Summaries of the "story" of Hegel's _Science
of Logic_, Lenin's _Philosophical Notebooks_, Negri's _Marx After Marx_,
and Althusser's + Balibar's _Reading Capital_ in no more than two
sentences would also be appreciated.

I'll gladly summarize Althusser's  Balibar's _Reading Capital_ in two
WORDS: overdetermined and underedited. 

Where have all the intellectuals gone?

Gone to grad school every one, 
when will they ever learn? 
when will they ever learn?

I don't know, Jerry. I think 'intellectuals' has too many many syllables.
Maybe we should try flowers.
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7099] re: A Pomo (re)quest

1996-11-01 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood summarized Capital for a 30 second soundbite:

Took me 24 seconds in my radio mode.

Bravo!

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7102] Re: post-modern wars

1996-11-01 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood asked:

What is distinctly modern about the idea of sustainable development?

Doug's comment touches on what is wrong with the label postmodernism and the
implied opposition "modernism/postmodernism". Blair Sandler had refered to
"a *post-modern* analysis of the need for and possibilty of sustainable
development", which seems to me to confuse an "oppositional" modernism with
postmodernism. 

The idea of sustainable development is distinctly modern -- not postmodern
-- if we may use Lyotard's critique of modernism as resting on the 'grand
narratives' of scientific and historical progress. All that the idea of
sustainable development does is substitute one version of the grand
narrative for another. And suddenly there we are, back where we started.

I suppose what happens is that people are quick to apply labels to their
arguments as a way of demonstrating their "oppositional" credentials. "This
is a *marxist* analysis." "This is a postmodern analysis." Etc. What they
may not realize is how little their self-styled "subversion" differs from
the official version in its basic narrative structure.

Most postmodern writing doesn't sufficiently appreciate the treachery of its
own ground (or "ungroundedness"). For example, it's easy to sneer at Marx's
"essentialism" as Laclau and Mouffe did; it's much harder to establish a
unequivocal position from which to do the sneering. To continue with Laclau
and Mouffe as an example of bad postmodernism, the unparralled ugliness of
their prose can easily be understood in terms of the contortions they had to
go through to hurl critical rocks without shattering the fragile walls of
their own glass house.

And often when postmodernism does appreciate its own treachery, the result
is the all too familiar cynicism -- endless, breathless celebrations of
pop-culture rip-offs as "subversion" ad nauseum. After all, when nothing is
"legitimate" anything goes, right? Nothing like a sophmoric nihilism to
elevate the tone of intellectual discourse.

The relationship between modernism and postmodernism has to be more subtle
than this. Postmodernism *needs* the modernist grand narrative as a foil.
Postmodernism is a crack in the smooth surface of the modernist urn. Yes,
the urn leaks, but don't throw it out, yet. The crack, by itself, doesn't
carry any water at all.

I have a surprise. I think postmodernism makes a worthwhile contribution to
analysis of political and economic issues and it makes this contribution
best when it doesn't bother to flamboyantly announce and tediously insist
upon its supposed postmodern credentials.

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7105] Re: nattering nabob

1996-11-01 Thread Tom Walker

Joe Medley wrote,

Tom's two word dismissal of Reading
Capital and Anders' disingenous demand for *any* example of a pomo approach
that would satisfy *his* criteria, are not cute coming from adults.

I wasn't trying to be cute. I was responding in kind to Gerald Levy, who
perhaps was trying to be cute -- I don't know.

I'm happy to go back to my original complaint about not being able to
determine, in a 20 minute perusal, whether Derrida's Spectre of Marx would
be worth buying and reading. I assure you that I accord much less than 20
minutes to most new books that come into the bookstore. I don't even pause
as I walk past the self-help section or the new age shelf. Perhaps your
argument is that I should buy and read all books before passing judgement on
whether any particular book is more or less worthy of my concentrated
attention. Perhaps if I was a character in a Borges short story, I would do
just that. Failing that, what is wrong with the simple request that an
author (or the publisher) provide some clue as to what a book is 'about'?
Otherwise, I'm buying a pig in a poke.
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7111] To citizens La Chatre, Henwood, and Walker --

1996-11-01 Thread Tom Walker

Well, I guess that settles it. Marx was infallible. ;-)

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7110] re: A Pomo (re)quest

1996-11-01 Thread Tom Walker

Jerry wrote,

If one wants short fairy-tale like answers to complex theoretical and
political questions, then perhaps one should revert to reading "Quotations
from Chairman Mao" and, thereby, substitute vacuous slogans and prose for
analysis.

Let's spend some time with this thought. I happen to agree with it 100%.
Fairy-tales are not adequate responses to complex theoretical and political
issues. And I'm not saying this off the top of my head, narrative policy
analysis has been my central research concern for over 10 years.

I have written several longer pieces on narrative policy analysis, but I
don't think I completely efface the complexity or subtlety of my own
analysis when I say, in summary, that public policy decisions _are_
typically made on the basis of "fairy-tale like answers" to complex
questions (does "balancing the budget" ring any bells?). Perhaps that is a
sad conclusion -- but it's a conclusion that can't be changed by throwing a
three-volume theoretical and empirical analysis at it. And it doesn't much
matter whether the three volumes are modernist or postmodernist.

It's interesting how Jerry has *tactically* come around to my position on
this matter. One topic ago -- on the politics of free time -- Jerry
quarreled with my statement that:

 'Thirty for forty' is a slogan, not a politics.

Jerry responded:

It was both a slogan and a demand -- primarily of CIO unions. It can be a
demand in collective bargaining or a political demand. Clearly, there are
many instances of slogans which were part of political movements.

My objection to the 'thirty for forty' slogan is that it is not backed up by
an analysis of the complex theoretical and political issues. I've got
nothing against slogans that represent, in a compact form, a more complex
analysis. When I look closer at the 'thirty for forty' slogan, however
(using a postmodernist approach of narrative policy analysis), what I
discover is that the slogan concedes the high ground to opponents of shorter
work time.

The implicit 'story' behind 'thirty for forty' is a work-a-day world in
which the lengthening of work time is perceived as a natural product of
market pressures and the limitation of work time is something that must be
*imposed* by regulation or collective action. This 'story', it so happens,
is out of sync with the historical record (and I rely here on E.P.
Thompson's "Time, Work Discipline and Industrial Capitalism" for my
interpretation of the historical record). The 'thirty for forty' story also
reifies the wages for forty hours work, as if some dollar amount could be
nailed to the wall as a perpetual standard. In other words, 'thirty for
forty' fully accomodates a market-centric view of the world.

Opponents of reducing work time have no difficulty repelling such slogans as
thirty for forty with the condescending, "it's a nice idea in theory, but as
a practical matter..."

To put it bluntly, the hard work of narrative policy analysis is developing
"short fairy-tale like answers" that are, never-the-less, faithful to the
more complex analysis of the issues. Be assured that if those who understand
the complexities refuse to provide 'simplifications' because "one can *not*
legitimately summarize a complex body of ideas into a short soundbite",
others with less understanding (and perhaps less sympathetic motives) will.
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7139] Re: 15 minutes of Derrida's Specters

1996-11-02 Thread Tom Walker

Thanks to Steve Cullenberg for summarizing _Spectres_. Steve's summary is
pretty close to the impression I got looking at the book. My decision not to
buy and read the book had more to do with my needs and interests as a reader
than with an abstract standard of what any book referring to Marx should
accomplish. 

Had _Spectres of Marx_ been a journal article, say in Diacritics, I probably
would have read it and perhaps would have benefited from its insights. If
the year was 1982, I definitely would have read it as a journal article and
might have read it as a book. Perhaps 20 years from now I will read the book
with pleasure.

I'm simply stating the truism that a text encounters readers in historically
specific circumstances.

From time to time, I teach a workshop in plain language writing. This
doesn't mean I think everything should be written so that it can be read by
someone with a grade 8 education. But it does mean I'm aware of the range of
reading (and writing) abilities and the variety of reasons for "difficulty". 
It also means that I have trained myself to read difficult prose. I'm as
'comfortable' with the jargon of the civil engineer as I am with that of the
education bureaucrat or the deconstructionist. In fact, alongside much
officialese, Derrida reads as clearly as the Gettysburg Address.

One of the exercises I use in my workshop is to look at a piece of writing
and get students to identify the author's intended message, audience and
purpose. This is classical rhetoric ("bonehead" English Composition 101). I
do something similar when scanning material to decide whether or not to read
it. My judgements usually break down into answers to two questions: does the
text clearly expose the author's intended message, audience and purpose?;
and do I, as a reader, have any affinity with or stake in that message,
audience and purpose? 

Note that by invoking the authority of "classical rhetoric" in the preceding
paragraph, I am inviting a comparison between the pomo/modernism face-off
and earlier disputes between classicism and romanticism and the ancients and
the moderns. *Verily, saith the preacher, there's nothing new under the
sun*. What all of these disputes have in common is the prerequisite of
*reducing* texts to one or the other of the categories in question. But
since there is always already a "romantic Marx" and a "classicist Marx" (a
plurality!), a "modernist Derrida" and a "post-modernist Derrida", an
"ancient Aristotle" and a "modern Aristotle", the categories and the
categorization turn out to be arbitrary and invidious.

But I digress. To bring me back to my point (the historically and
subjectively specific circumstances of readers vis-a-vis texts) I will quote
Verne Ball:

What if the ability to communicate in different "registers" - as they say
in linguistics - is more important than not speaking academese?  (So yeah,
a good summation of a lot more of Derrida and Negri would be really
helpful, but I'd prefer it in the form of a comic book that I could peruse
for a little longer - surely more than 15 minutes.  Derrida could make it.

Exactly. Or, to put it slightly differently, what if "explanation" is not
all there is? What happens when we expand the range of cultural expression
to include not just philosophical texts and didactic comic books, but
painting, music composition, architectural design, performance, etc. In my
view, such a broadening of scope requires us to simultaneously examine
_both_ the material conditions of cultural production and the internal
tendencies of the "work of art" itself.

And this brings us back to Walter Benjamin, who in my estimation continues
to have something to say to contemporary political conditions in spite of --
or perhaps because of -- his philosophical erudition.
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7140] Re: PoMoTown

1996-11-02 Thread Tom Walker

It is late on Friday and I want to go home, but do you in all seriousness
want me to believe that our saying that you don't know "Derrida from
dogfood" is the same as saying that you didn't know "Derrida from diamonds
or dictionaries or duality theory".

Presumably Jim's "don't know Derrida from dogfood" is a play on "don't know
dollars from doughnuts" in which case the derivation probably has more to do
with assonance (similarity of sounds) than it does to derogatory intent.
That's how I deconstruct it, anyway.

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7142] Re: Pomo: Swimming or drowning

1996-11-02 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood asked,

Old language: "The boss is screwing you. Organize and fight back."
New language: "The metanarratives are all broken. Liberate yourself through
freeplay in the deliciously slippery world of discourse!"

This is progress?

The old language is clear. In light of the tragic -- and real -- historical
experience of exchanging old bosses for new bosses, it's also not credible.
In a society where class divisions are obscured by an overwhelming degree of
stratification, its clarity may even be deceptive. Does the Korean
immigrant, part-time clerk in the corner grocery really have more in common
with the $100,000 a year, native-born unionized petroleum industry
technician than she does with the grocery store's Korean immigrant owner --
her "boss"?

The slipperiness of discourse is not always delicious. To risk overusing a
word, it may well be tragic. In this sense, there is no doubt a greater
affinity between Marx's analysis and Doug's parody of the new language than
there is with the "old language".
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7157] Identity and class struggle

1996-11-02 Thread Tom Walker

"Identity politics" is redundant. All politics is identity politics for no
other reason than that political action must be conducted in a particular
place and in a particular language. It's a non sequitur to say that identity
politics per se is "reactionary" or "progressive" or "futile".

Politics that turns inwards toward the service of a particular group, at the
expense of everyone else, is reactionary. What is "progressive" about
progressive politics is it's aspiration to universality. Marx thought the
working class would be the agent of universal emancipation because it had no
particular interest in maintaining itself as a class. It had no privileges
to cling to. 

We've since learned that people cling to things other than privilege.
Sometimes people cling to oppression, sometimes they cling to their own
humiliation and debasement. Sometimes they just cling to the way things are
because that's the way things are. So the class struggle theory turns out to
have been a good guess, but not a sure thing.

For those who are looking for a sure thing, identity politics is no
improvement over class struggle. But for those who are looking for a more
nuanced understanding of class struggle, a respectful analysis of identity
politics is indispensible. And for activists who are looking to engage a
constituency other than themselves, the tortuous path to universality begins
on the hard-pan ground of identity.

It's all very dialectical. ;-)

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7172] Re: Hmmm

1996-11-03 Thread Tom Walker

bill mitchell wrote,

I went to a university once.
Once of the lecturers there hated me.
He/she kicked me out of the class.
I won't tell you why.

So fuckin what!

Yeah! And I've been screwed by professors, fucked over by bosses, ripped-off
by landlords, jilted by girlfriends, dragged by security guards, pushed by
cops, slandered by psychopaths, poisoned by dope addicts, shit on by
seagulls, cursed at by rednecks, misquoted by journalists, co-opted by
bureaucrats, passed over by funders, harrangued by sectarians, and harrassed
by federal agents. Me own mother banished me from dear dad's funeral, God
rest his soul!

As bill says, "So fuckin what!" But then, I'm no angel, either.

I have a suggestion for a new list: UMA-DL (dirty laundry).

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7177] Life is hard. And then you die.

1996-11-03 Thread Tom Walker
who -- realized that the
flash was not the separation of a booster rocket, and yelled, "Shut up,
everyone!" A silence descended in time for the students, teachers and
administrators at the school where that teacher, Christa McAuliffe, had
taught for three years to hear the announcer report, "The vehicle has
exploded." (1986)

III. METHOD

Walter Benjamin:

"Pedogogic side of this project: 'To train our image-making faculty to look
stereoscopically and dimensionally into the depths of the shadows of history.'"

"The work must raise to the very highest level the art of quoting without
quotation marks. Its theory is intimately linked to that of montage."

"Method of this work: literary montage. I need say nothing. Only show. I
won't steal anything valuable or appropriate any witty turns of phrase. but
the trivia, the trash: this, I don't want to take stock of, but let it come
into its own in the only way possible: use it."

"The true picture of the past flits by. The past can be seized only as an
image which flashes up at the instant when it can be recognized and is never
seen again."

"History is the subject of a structure whose site is not homogenous empty
time, but time filled by the presence of the now [*Jetztzeit*]. Thus to
Robespierre ancient Rome was a past charged with the time of the now which
he blasted out of the continuum of history... Fashion has a flair for the
topical, no matter where it stirs in the thickets of long ago; it is a
tiger's leap into the past. This jump, however, takes place in an arena
where the ruling class gives the commands. The same leap in the open air of
history is the dialectical one, which is how Marx understood the revolution."

POSTSCRIPT

Text fragment #6:

The accuracy of an intercontinental ballistic missle's flight is determined
in the first moments when it roars into the sky. Its electronic brain has
full instructions. But it needs reminding, too! Borg-Warner makes an
ingenious device to do this... to tell instantly if and when any corrections
are needed to keep it precisely on course. (1957)

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7301] fetishturgy (fwd)

1996-11-06 Thread Tom Walker

I'm forwarding a portion of a message from Greg Ulmer (a post-modernist if
anyone is) dealing with the term 'fetish' that we recently discussed on
Pen-l. This commentary throws a new twist on my assertion that
post-modernism takes a similar approach to language as Marx takes in his
analysis of the commodity fetish.

  1--fetishturgy approaches "fetish" from a position considerably
different from your starting point.  The point of departure is the status
of the term "fetish" historically as pidgin Portuguese, used by
Portuguese traders along the "Guinea Coast" in the 1500s to name objects
whose valuation in African economy defied European valuation systems.
You probably know the excellent history written on this term.  I am more
interested in pidgin in general, in the discourse network of colonialism,
as an analogy for projecting how a postcolonial "cyberpidgin" (contact
between non-similar cultures online) might be theorized and practiced.
One of the special features of interest in this linguistic context is
that while there were and are many other pidgin terms from this same
historical moment, "fetish" has a unique history.  During the seminar we
explored the way in which nearly the entire history of modern theory
could be studied as the dissemination of *fetish* into Western society.
The heuretic approach, moreover, suggests that any such phenomenon be
studied not only from the theoretical (hermeneutic) side, but also from
the side of art making.  In this respect it is important to note the
Western theorists tended to use *fetish* in a pejorative, denigrative
sense (with various degrees of inflection), while artists tended to
embrace *fetish* as a model for a new practice.  One implication is that
it might be interesting to look at some other pidgin terms, to consider
what they name, and speculate what will have the case if they had been
taken up in the same way.


Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7309] New WWW Site: Jubilee 2000 campaign

1996-11-07 Thread Tom Walker

Announcing a new web site:

IN THE SPIRIT OF JUBILEE:
Sound the Trumpet throughout the land. Proclaim Liberty to all people.

http://www.lights.com/jubilee


Over 3,000 years ago, the ancient Hebrews celebrated the Year of Jubilee.
With a trumpet  blast throughout the land, debts were cancelled, slaves
went free, and EVERYONE had an economic recovery.

As we approach the new millenium, jubilee is an ancient idea whose time has
come. JUBILEE 2000 is a campaign to celebrate the new millenium by
cancelling the unpayable debts of the world's poorest countries. It is a
simple solution to break the debt trap and give a billion people a chance
for a better future.






Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7311] Max's Mom's Jubilee

1996-11-07 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky asks,

And what about my Mom, whose
sole source of non-Social Security income is a lowly
interest-bearing financial asset?

This isn't the "widows and orphans" theory of capitalism, is it? By the
powers vested in me, I hearby declare Max's Mom *personnally exempt* from
any wholesale cancellation of debt (provided that debt cancellation occurs
on January 1, 2001).

Seriously, though, how about those mutual funds? A couple of weeks ago, we
had a drywall installer in to fix a hole in the ceiling. He talked
enthusiastically about his contractor pals who were making so much money in
the stock market they had given up doing construction work. Then just the
other day, I was in a toy store and overheard two clerks talking about how
you could borrow money from the bank, buy mutual funds and make enough money
to live on the interest and still increase your principal.

But there comes a point when the chain letter reaches the bottom of the
feeding chain (to mix metaphors, while retaining a link), right? And then we
have nothing to lose but our... umm, what's the word I'm looking for... bonds?

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7332] Re: Affirmative Action in public employment and education is dead

1996-11-08 Thread Tom Walker

I can't agree with the sentiment "Everything feminists have fought for in
terms of improving girls' educational opportunities and women's employment
is now in potential jeopardy."

In one sense, everything has _always_ been in potential jeopardy so this is
no big change. But isn't "affirmative action" a rather timid utopia? How
could _that_ represent everything feminists have fought for? What about
social justice and political power? And, what lessons might be learned from
the passage of proposition 209?

I also don't see a post-modernist analysis in Myra Strober's post, forwarded
by maggie coleman. So I'm wondering whether maggie's p.s. was an aside or a
non sequitur.
Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7391] Re: science

1996-11-13 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine wrote,

yeah, but I don't expect that social science can or will be able 
to answer these questions, since the object of study (people, 
society) is much more difficult than that of, say, physics. But 
we should at least try. 

Doug Henwood replied,

Difficult? Don't know about that; it's a lot easier to be an amateur
sociologist (or economist even!) than amateur quantum physicist. Less
predictable, maybe.

To which I reply,

It is extremely difficult to be a specialist in a field where anybody who
picks up a smattering of the conventional wisdom can consider themselves an
amateur expert. That's probably what drives scientists into obscure
specialties and drives sociologists and economists to strive for opacity.

Regards,

Tom Walker, [EMAIL PROTECTED], (604) 669-3286
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm




[PEN-L:7440] transgressive running dogs of performativity

1996-11-17 Thread Tom Walker

It seems a widespread temptation, not a unique feature of post-modernism, to
substitute jargon for thinking. But consider the comic possibilities:
slightly disillusioned, but still bristling ex-Enver Hoxha-ite meets
itinerant PoMo performance art critic of indeterminate gender and the two of
them grope about for a common language. Y'know, the sequel to Kiss of the
Spider Woman kind of thing. Whatever.

Comedy: They fail.
Tragedy: They succeed.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7442] Re: transgressive running dogs of performativity II

1996-11-18 Thread Tom Walker

On second thought, here's a better idea: a whole *family* of m-l sectarians
-- Jed, Jethro, Ellie-may and granma Hoxha -- is accidently granted
tenure-track positions at an ivy league comparative lit department. After
all, this is America, folks. Land of opportunity.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7715] Re: The rogue, p.m.

1996-12-03 Thread Tom Walker

Blair Sandler asked,

Do you mean "poor" as in "impoverished?" Or "poor" as in "low quality?"

Ah, the uses of ambiguity. ;-)

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7734] Re: yet more Social Security

1996-12-04 Thread Tom Walker

Rev. Devine wrote:

BTW, such confusions ("overreactions") can be avoided by reading 
someone's e-message all the way through before (over)reacting to 
it paragraph by paragraph. 

I tried that once, but my lips got numb.


Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7623] Re: Fordism or post-fordism? No thanks! -Reply

1996-11-27 Thread Tom Walker

(what a weird world. Here I am stuck at home with a six 6-year-old 
all day, but I can communicate with the computer at work to 
download Patrick's message, and then upload and send my reply.)

Now I know why you make so much sense. There's nothing like active parenting
to keep the ungrounded abstractions at bay!

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7596] Re: The Long Term II

1996-11-26 Thread Tom Walker

Doug wrote (and I reversed the order of his sentences),

For another view, see http://www.panix.com/~dhenwood/Work.html
And what's so new about this?

Doug,

Looked through your Work  its Future article and its thesis sounds an awful
lot like that of the 1983 article by Henry Levin and Russell Rumberger, "The
Low Skill Future of High Tech" that I've been carrying around for the last
13 and a half years. They quote projections from the August 1981 Monthly
Labour Review that are, naturally, very similar to the ones you quote from
the November 1995 MLR. La plus change...

In this case, "nothing new here" is not a disparaging expression. Levin and
Rumberger were right and you're right. So was Ecclesiates, so what.





Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7632] Re: How to win strikes in the 90s -Reply

1996-11-28 Thread Tom Walker

Patrick Bond asked,

Why stop at the (broadly-characterised) point-of-production?

and argued convincingly for:

Corporate campaigns aimed increasingly at both the power and
vulnerability that characterise firms' financial relationships. 

To which I would add, that the strategic state policy framework for the
dominance of finance is NAIRU -- the North American Initiative for
(W)Recking Unions (more commonly known as the Non-Accelerating Inflation
Rate of Unemployment).

Tactical targeting of firms' financial relationships would be most effective
within a comprehensive anti-NAIRU strategy. Which, at the risk of repeating
myself, brings me back to the struggle for the generalized reduction of
working time.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7707] The rogue, p.m.

1996-12-03 Thread Tom Walker

Maybe a rogue isn't such a bad thing, after all, considering that a large
proportion of novelistic literature is written from the perspective of the
rogue. Of course, if (with Lukacs) we take the novel as the exemplary
literary form for the expression of bourgeois consciousness -- in other
words, of modernism -- we might even say that modernity itself has a certain
*rogueish* point of view.

The small dictionary on my computer has, as one possible etymology for the
term, the 16th century *cant roger* "a vagabond pretending to be a poor
scholar." But these days there are so many poor scholars pretending to be
poor scholars that perhaps we've no more use for the genuine vagabonds.

Perhaps this is what is really meant by post-modernism?

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7653] Re: The Long Term (Henwood)

1996-11-29 Thread Tom Walker

O.K., Doug, you win, U.S. workers have never had it so good ;-) It's just us
deluded, apocalytic ignoramuses who are imagining a fundamental and
frightening change for the worse. But there it is, clear as day, in the
selective statistics you present: everything is under control; nothing can
go wrong... go wrong... go wrong...

Doug Henwood wrote,

Well since the business cycle goes up about 3/4 of the time, and down about
1/4, what happens in the business cycle counts in the long run, no?

Is this also a bureau of labour statistics fact or is it a basic law of
nature? (...like sun spots ;-)?) Please explain because this strategic
little piece of cracker barrel wisdom provides the _frame_ within which the
bls statistics tell the story you want them to (speaking of social
constructionism).
Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7595] Re: The Long Term

1996-11-26 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood misquotes my post and then asks,

And what's so new about this?

For another view, see http://www.panix.com/~dhenwood/Work.html

Doug, 

With all due respect, if you're going to react to a message, read it first.
I didn't write the words you quoted, B.C. Premier Glen Clark said them. I
reported that Glen Clark said it. The only thing that's new about it is that
the premier of a Canadian province is talking about work time reduction and
redistribution as part of the long term solution to unemployment. I don't
agree with everything that Glen Clark says, Glen Clark doesn't endorse
everything that Rifkin says, and I don't endorse Rifkin's apocalypticism.

And, besides, what's so new about your April 1996 critique of Rifkin? For an
earlier -- albeit post-modern -- view see
http://mindlink.net/knowware/strega.htm

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7578] Re: The Decline of Economics

1996-11-26 Thread Tom Walker

Honestly, the "two most significant developments in the American economy"
are not "economic phenomena". An honest economist would have to admit simply
that there is no adequate *economic* explanation for either.

This should be no more difficult than an honest mathematician admitting that
there is no adequate mathematical explanation for Dante's _Divine Comedy_.
That it is difficult for an economist to admit the importance of
non-economic phenomena points directly to the source of the "decline of
economics": hubris.

 There's an article with this title in the current New Yorker, by
 John Cassidy. One quote:
 "A number of important economic phenomena remain beyond our comprehension.
 The two most significant developments in the American economy over the
 past twenty years are the slowdown in productivity growth and the
 increase in wage inequality, and honest economists admit that they
 don't have an adequate explanation for either."

 Any honest economists care to comment?
 Walter Daum
Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7905] deja vu: a trip in the (over)time machine

1996-12-19 Thread Tom Walker

At a little past noon on October 7, 1978, Frank Schiff of the Committee for
Economic Development addressed a conference on Work Time and Employment
convened by the U.S. National Commission for Manpower Policy. Assembled at
the Capitol Hill Quality Inn in Washington, D.C., the conference attendees
were indeed a quality collection of noted academics, high level civil
servants, and influential spokespersons for business and labor. Schiff was
responding to a paper on "Policies to Reduce Fixed Costs of Employment" that
had just been presented by Robert Eisner.

Speaking of the goal of accomodating individual preferences for worktime and
leisure, Schiff remarked, "To achieve this goal, Professor Eisner places
major stress on employment subsidies and tax credits, essentially to offset
the effect of public policy and institutional work arrangements that create
a bias against flexible work arrangements. This is clearly one possible
approach, but it should be emphasized that it is by no means the only way to
deal with the problem. Other possible options include direct efforts to
reduce the existing institutional biases against flexible work time patterns
-- for example, by relating the cost of particular fringes more to hours
worked than to the number or employees, or by relevant changes in the
computation of experience ratings."

Schiff's remarks were, admittedly, not delivered in scintillating prose and
the topic may seem somewhat obscure and technical. One slight amendment
would clarify what Schiff was saying: instead of referring to the "biases
against flexible work time patterns", Schiff could have better identified
the problem as "public policy and institutional biases *in favour of*
overtime and unemployment."  In spite of that small point of obfuscation,
Schiff's comment stands out from the 445 page conference report as such
profound good sense that it no doubt was quickly and profoundly forgotten by
all and sundry in attendence. Perhaps even by Schiff.

In the 18 years since that prestigious Washington, D.C. conference, much has
changed but the institutional bias in favour of overtime has remained.
Perhaps the best known effort to redress the imbalance was a bill to
increase the overtime penalty of the FLSA from time and a half to double
time, introduced by Democratic congressman John Conyers in the late 1970s.
The logic against Conyers bill, however, was impeccable: it was countered
that the measure would increase labour costs and therefore wouldn't achieve
its intended job creation effects. Conyers' bill went nowhere.

But to give a bit more context on the timing of the Work Time and Employment
conference, it should be remembered that in July 1978, the Bonn Summit of
the G-7 had taken place at which President Jimmy Carter affirmed the U.S
government's top priority of fighting inflation. The next year, 1979, Paul
Volcker was appointed chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors.
The fight against inflation uber alles had begun in earnest. Because
unemployment was seen as an indispensible tool for fighting inflation
(NAIRU), the idea of removing institutional biases in favour of unemployment
never caught on.

Let us return for a moment to that October day in 1978 and indulge in a bit
of economic science fiction. Imagine that Frank Schiff's comment about
*removing the institutional biases* had seized the imagination of the
conferees. Imagine that reporters from the major news media were in
attendance at the conference and Schiff's offhand suggestion became the
subject of front page feature stories and soul-searching editorials. Imagine
that a national debate broke out in the United States about the nature of
work and the illegitimacy of government regulations that prolonged work
beyond the desires of individuals. Imagine the emergence of a mass
labor/civil rights movement demanding the freedom to work for as many or few
hours as one desired and insisting on the repeal of all legislation that
enforced excessive work. Imagine the victory of this labor/civil rights
movement.

What would our social, economic and political landscape be like today -- 18
years later -- if Frank Schiff's spark of common sense had fallen on the dry
tinder of citizenship rather than on the damp soil of econometocracy?
Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
knoW Ware Communications  |
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA   |  "Only in mediocre art
[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
(604) 669-3286|
^^
 The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm 





[PEN-L:7768] Absolute surplus value

1996-12-07 Thread Tom Walker

Or, putting my earlier message (the ninth hour) into a theoretical context,
I suppose I'm also suggesting an "epochal" shift in capitalism (may I call
it "ironic post-keynesianism") wherein the drive for the production of
_absolute surplus value_ becomes more prominent, in part as a response to
the specific structural barriers to reproduction of capital imposed by the
welfare state.

I repeat my earlier message below:

The ninth hour.

According to my rough calculations, using the B.C. pulp and paper industry
as a case in point, the "ninth hour" of a hypothetical "annual working day"
costs employers about 7.6% less than the "first hour", in spite of the legal
requirement for overtime pay at time and a half. At an industry standard
hourly rate of $23.50, the total cost to employers (including payroll taxes,
benefit premiums and allowance for paid time off) is $36.60 for the ninth
hour compared with $39.40 for the first hour. This is because most of the
non-wage labour costs are loaded on the standard eight hour day and some are
loaded on the first six or so hours of the day.

The obvious implication of such a relationship is that employers will favour
overtime over creating new employment because it is cheaper -- even at time
and a half. In the late 1970s or early 1980s, U.S. Rep. John Conyers had a
proposal to increase the overtime premium to double time as a way of
offsetting the effects of non-wage labour costs. The argument against such a
proposal was that it would actually lower total employment because the
higher labour costs will result in loss of demand and the substitution of
capital for labour.

Similarly, proposals for shortening the workweek run into a cost wall. And
this is not simply a question of "shorter hours at no loss in pay". When I
recalculate the employer costs assuming a 32 hour week instead of a 40 hour
week and assuming the same structure and level of benefits and payroll
taxes, and keeping the hourly base rate constant, the cost of the first hour
jumps to $42.25, while the cost of the first overtime hour (the "seventh
hour" of a hypothetical annual working day) remains at about $36.70. In
other words, the employer cost of the first overtime hour would become 15%
less than the cost for the first reuglar hour (again because of loading of
fixed and quasi-fixed non-wage labour costs on the regular hours). The
perverse result of a legislated reduction in the standard workweek thus
could be that average weekly hours worked would remain about the same and
the average amount of overtime would increase by around 8 hours a week --
although scale and substitution effects should again lead to a _total_
reduction in hours worked, thus increasing, rather than decreasing,
unemployment. 

The relationship between overtime costs and straight time costs is
counter-intuitive and clearly contradicts the intent of employment standards
legislation. The solution to the problem is, in theory, extremely simple:
distribute non-wage labour cost proportionately over the working day. In
practice, however, this would require that many well-established assumptions
of social security finance, employment standards regulation and collective
bargaining strategy would have to be reviewed for their effects on working
hours, total employment and employment equity.

It would be reckless to underestimate the intensity of political resistance
to pro-rating non-wage labour costs over the entire working day, including
all overtime hours. I suspect that many people would refuse to even look at
the calculation that clearly shows that "one and one half" is less than
"one". But I think this approach solves the dilemma of why the momentum for
the reduction of the working time has been stalled since the end of world
war two and, for many people, *reversed* in recent decades.



Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7593] The Long Term

1996-11-26 Thread Tom Walker
work week helped us reduce costs and free up resources for
front-line services... and averted layoffs to as many as 600 full-time
positions.

"I want to be clear: these aren't easy problems to solve.

"If there's one thing I've learned, it's that there are no quick fixes.
there are no simple answers. There's no magic wand to wave.

"This will require business, government and labour to work together. There
is common ground to be found here, creativity to be applied, and
partnerships to be forged.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7666] Re: The Long Term (Henwood)

1996-11-29 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood wrote,

The rigor of the definition is irrelevant to judging the trend, as is the
level of aggregation, since this has been a discussion about the nature of
"work" in general. Aronowitz  DiFazio said, for example, that "most" of
the jobs created in the early 1990s have been part-time, when in fact
they're not...

The rigour of definition and level of aggregation is relevant. The BLS data
Doug cited showed "non-economic" part-time work nearly doubling in 36 years
and "economic" part-time work staying flat. If the definition of economic
part-time work is so narrow that it excludes all but the most indefatigable
full-time job seekers, then that might itself explain a good part of the
divergence between the two trends. 

Looking for work is hard enough as it is. Actively seeking full-time work
when you already have a job (albeit part-time), when you know there are few
decent jobs available, and perhaps are a single parent to boot might not
qualify as a rational activity. Perhaps a lot of those "non-economics" are
just waiting it out at their part-time place of employment hoping to acquire
enough seniority to get on full-time when a position opens up.

As for level of aggregation, we are precisely talking about adding apples
and oranges. How does the BLS count someone who works at three part-time
jobs for a total averaging 30-35 hours a week? As one full-time worker? That
would be my guess. How are "self-employed" contract workers treated? And
what are the relationships between hours of labour and hourly rates? What
are the demographic characteristics of the part-time and full-time
employees? and what are the labour force participation rates by
age/gender/race? What are the occupational break-downs? What are the
sectoral differences? The list goes on and on.

A good statistical analysis of labour market trends requires several dozen
tables and multiple multiple regression analyses to reach the most tentative
of conclusions about what is actually happening. Even then the results are
subject to conflicting interpretations. I've always been under the
impression that the ultimate meaning of survey data is incredibly elusive,
particularly when you try to answer questions with the results that the
original survey wasn't designed to answer. I'm surprised to learn that the
BLS has devised a few simple aggregate reports that accurately and
enduringly reflect the diversity of a boisterously changing labour market.

Doug concluded his comment by saying, "For all too many people, overwork is
the story of the labor market." I agree whole heartly. I think I'll give
this thread a rest unless Doug says something outrageous in rebuttal.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7628] Re: The Long Term

1996-11-27 Thread Tom Walker

Margarita Cerrato wrote,

I agree with D Henwood's comments that this [redistributing work time] is
nothing new, however I would
suggest that this is already happening.  Corporations operating in growth
industries in Australia for example services and hospitality are
increasingly providing part-time, casual and short term contract type
employment and other industries are set to follow suit with the further
de-regulation of the labour market...

The 'this' that's already happening is not the same 'this' that's nothing
new. Part-time, casual and short term contract work are most definitely not
the 'same thing' as a generalized reduction and redistribution of work time.
Are you seriously suggesting that insecure, part-time work with few or no
benefits amounts to the 'same thing' as, say, a ban on compulsory overtime,
extensive paid leave provisions for education and parenting, or the
establishment of a standard 32 hour work week?

You're right about one thing, the struggle for the reduction of work time is
nothing new. It's the foundation upon which the labour movement was built.
The abandonment of that struggle [to perennial token convention resolutions]
signaled the decline of labour as a movement. The resumption of that
struggle heralds the rebirth of the labour movement. I respectfully suggest
that those who fancy themselves "debunkers" of shorter work time take the
time to read some of the history, analysis and strategy. There's a lot more
to it than deserves to be dismissed with an arrogant and shallow 'nothing
new here'.

But do allow me to indulge a slight digression on the 'nothing new here'
theme. In October of last year, the Atlantic Monthly carried a cover story
criticizing the use of the Gross Domestic Product as a surrogate measure of
national prosperity. Conventional economists arose with such a uniform
chorus of 'nothing new here' that it would have been easy to imagine they
were all activated by a single master switch. Of course there was 'nothing
new here', reasoned critiques of GDP have been advanced -- and dutifully
ignored -- for decades.

What, pray tell, is so 'new' [or even interesting] about this 'nothing new
here' argument?
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7661] Re: The Long Term (Henwood)

1996-11-29 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood wrote,

In its latest Employment Outlook, the OECD found no secular increase in
part-time employment...

- snip, snip -

...Here are the part-time stats for the U.S., also one
of the least regulated labor markets in the First World. The label "econ"
means part-time for economic reasons (i.e., involuntary); nonecon is what
used to be called voluntary part-time. Is there a secular trend here?

PART-TIME EMPLOYMENT, % OF TOTAL
total   econnonecon
196011.1%   3.5%7.6%
197013.7%   2.5%12.0%
198016.4%   3.5%12.9%
199016.5%   3.9%12.6%
199616.6%   3.2%13.3%


The Canadian studies I referred to in my previous post were carried out by
Statistics Canada researchers (Garnett Picot, Rene Morisette and John
Myles). They analyzed disaggregated data. I don't know about the OECD
Employment Outlook, but the BLS data Doug presents is definitely aggregated.
So in part we're comparing apples and oranges. But perhaps Doug could
comment a bit on the rigour of the BLS's definitions of "economic" and
"non-economic" part-time employment. For example, in computing official
unemployment statistics, "discouraged workers" who are not engaged in an
active job search are not counted as participating in the labour force. Do
part-timers have to be engaged in an active search for full-time employment
to count as "economic part-timers?"
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7629] Re: How to win strikes in the 90s

1996-11-27 Thread Tom Walker

Introductory remarks: Strike breaking and union busting in the
1990s: What can we learn from the past to combat it?

Ask yourself, "what is a strike?"

If your answer is something like "a tactical withdrawal of labour", ask
yourself, "how effective is a tactical withdrawal of labour likely to be in
a situation in which there is a substantial surplus of labour (reserve army
of unemployed)?"

If your answer is "not very effective", ask yourself, "what strategies might
the labour movement adopt to try to eliminate that substantial surplus of
labour?" (note that I said "what strategies might the labour movement
adopt", not "what policies might labour call on government to implement")

What I'm getting at is the need to move from a series of isolated *tactical*
withdrawals of labour to a generalized *strategic* withdrawal of labour.

After all, labour can perform one potentially decisive act -- the withdrawal
of labour. But there are several forms in which the withdrawal of labour can
occur:

- the tactical strike
- on the job resistance, ranging from the formal work-to-rule to the
informal 'pacing' to the insurrectionary occupation
- the general strike
- the reduction of work time

A labour movement that systematically abstains from any one of the possible
forms for the withdrawal of labour ceases to be effective as a labour
movement. There is nothing new here.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7612] Re: The Long Term

1996-11-27 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood wrote,

Metanarratives are evil, man. Just ask Lyotard.

Sorry for the deviation from the strict Lyotard usage, but I use
metanarrative to refer to a analytical result that somehow makes sense of
the disparate policy stories and counter-stories. Lyotard uses metanarrative
to refer to the grand legitimizing narratives of capital "S" Science,
Capital "P" Progress, and capital "H" History. They're both still
metanarratives, in the sense of each being a "narratives of narratives".
However, one is legitimizing, the other is analytical.

Lyotard's "incredulity toward metanarratives" (the defining post modern
condition) is itself a _critical_ metanarrative. And strictly speaking,
Lyotard isn't saying "metanarratives are evil, man," he is saying that the
master narratives of modernism have imploded in a kind of self-destructive
self-reflection, the famous mise-en-abyme.

Postmodern? Nothing postmodern about this conclusion:
 - snip -
...the coincident
plausibility of conflicting, even contradictory, stories."

Well, I guess the only way to be consistent in replying to Doug's certainty
that my conclusion isn't postmodern is to say that there may well be a
metanarrative in which both of our claims are plausible -- that is to say a
metanarrative in which my conclusion both is and isn't "postmodern".
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7530] $1 billion found in rubbish heap!

1996-11-21 Thread Tom Walker


"Perhaps a rubbish heap is, after all, the best image for the rough jumble
of jurisdictions, laws, budgets, regulations, evasions, habits, agencies and
officials that together make up the policy apparatus of the state.
Certainly, nothing could be more fanciful than those austere, pyramidal
'organization charts' that purport to describe the official structures,
priorities or procedures of government. The state is not a hierarchical,
hieroglyphic tree; it is a stinking, rotting, seething heap. And this
description is not meant to be derogatory..."

"...the treasure I have found in the rubbish heap is a tiny, perfect policy
proposal for creating an estimated 30,000 new full-time, well-paying jobs in
Canada at no cost to the government, to employers, to the environment -- at
no cost to anybody. Thirty thousand jobs at an average salary of $35,000 a
year would be worth a total of over a billion dollars."


For the full text of this presentation to the discussion session on "Coping
with Daily Life in an Era of Unrelenting Technical Change" at the Southern
California Conference on Technology, Employment and Community, go directly to:

http://mindlink.net/knowware/dustbin.htm

The session will take place at the conference in Los Angeles on Saturday,
November 23, 1996 at 10:15 a.m.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^
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[EMAIL PROTECTED]   |does life unfold as fate."
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[PEN-L:7634] Re: The Long Term

1996-11-28 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood wrote,

I just get irritated when Rifkin's stale idiocies are presented as
fresh advances in human thought.

I can sympathize with Doug's irritation. Rifkin adds nothing to the
discussion other than a popularizing zeal and a slick presentation. Rifkin
is especially good at mining the painstaking work of scholars and taking --
or at least getting -- credit for the ideas. If you haven't seen Rifkin
perform in the flesh, I suggest you rent the video, "The Road to Wellsville"
starring Anthony Hopkins as Dr. John Kellogg -- it's about as close a
portrayal as you can get.

But there is a danger in attacking Rifkin and his "stale idiocies" because
Rifkin mixes those stale idiocies with some of the most important strategic
issues of the day. The popular expression is "throwing out the baby with the
bath water."

It's important to learn to separate the baby from the bath water. Rifkin's
best selling book is the only contact that many people have with arguments
about the effects of technology on labour markets, the shallowness of the
"high-tech, high-skills future" fantasy, the increasing polarization of the
work force, etc. To simply dismiss all of Rifkin as stale idiocy is to risk
re-inforcing the claims of the neo-liberals that the capitalist free market
is sorting things out just fine and dandy, thank you very much.

The point is that Rifkin has found a way to appeal to a broad audience that
the more analytically sound left has been unable to find. I would like to
ask, "what makes Rifkin's argument seem plausible to so many people?" rather
than denounce his arguments wholesale as stale idiocy.

While we're on the topic of stale idiocy, I'd like to bring up two other
phrases that lead us around in circles, "bourgeois ideology" and "false
consciousness". It has been the everlasting conceit of leftists that one
could build a mass audience through the polemical trick of demonstrating
that anyone who cared to listen was deluded in thinking what they did think
and the truth -- or at least the correct analysis -- was elsewhere. This has
been extremely effective, yes, in attracting a smattering of intellectual
masochists.

Is it really more important to be aloof than to be effective? Or is it
possible to combine political integrity with rhetorical appeal?
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7705] Re: Rifkin

1996-12-03 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky wrote,

I guess the most galling thing is the contrast between the
media attention he soaks up and the lack of tangible
political impact.  This isn't simply a matter of 'just' writing
books.  If I see someone like Noam Chomsky get quoted on
some issue, I get the feeling a political statement has been
made.  To try to be a little more specific, a political statement
entails attaching some kind of analysis to an identification of
friends, enemies, and some type of appropriate response,
even vaguely described...

Is this to suggest, then, that lack of tangible political impact is O.K., as
long as one doesn't attract media attention? A kind of media asceticism?

The _political_ success of the Christian Right has been attributed by at
least one commentator (Phil Agre, a communications prof at UCSD) to their
success at addressing deeply felt _cultural_ issues that shape the terrain
upon which political statements can be made. Whether or not you like what
the Christian Right has to say, it's hard to argue with their success. And
it's a cop out to say "It's easy for them. They have all the money and they
pander to prejudice and ignorance."

I'm not sure that "making a political statement" is the same thing as
preparing the ground within which a political statement can take root and
grow. Therefore, I'm not eager to dismiss the political efficacy of
"non-political" statements. I've got better things to do than to try to
figure out whether Rifkin, as a case in point, specifically contributes to,
or detracts from, the ground upon which _others_ can make political statements.

I have heard -- from the horse's mouth (if I may call poor Jeremy a horse)
-- that he is more interested in opening up the discussion about work than
in being proven "right" in the final analysis. That's what he says, anyway.
It seems to me (IMHO) that a discussion about work can be an inherently more
political discussion than, say, a discussion about hairstyles or fly
fishing. And maybe -- just maybe -- that discussion can be more successfully
launched with a bit of gosh and golly techno-determinism than with an
intellectually and politically rigourous discussion of the modes and
relations of production in this or that historically specific regulatory
regime of accumulation, or whatever (if you see what I mean).

All I'm trying to say is:

political efficacy = factual accuracy + analytical rigour, NOT.

Ah, maybe I've watched _Music Man_ too many times and am starting to believe
that line about "You got trouble, right here in River City..."

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7879] Who is Robert Clark?

1996-12-15 Thread Tom Walker

I've just read a monograph titled _Adjusting Hours to Increase Jobs_, by
Robert Clark, published in September 1977 by the (US) National Commission
for Manpower Policy. Clark's central analysis was that US government tax
policy over the preceeding 50 years created a significant bias toward
overtime and against employment and he made some recommendations for
ameliorating that bias, namely tax credits to be applied against payroll
taxes for new hires and reassessment of the tax exempt status of employer
payed fringe benefits.

I need two pieces of information: Who is Robert Clark? and whatever became
of his policy recommendations? I suspect that Robert Clark may be Robert L.
Clark, an economist at North Carolina State University. In 1975, Robert
Clark co-authored a book with Juanita Kreps, who subsequently went on to
become Commerce Secretary in the Carter Administration.

Any leads will be appreciated.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7804] Re: Krugman

1996-12-10 Thread Tom Walker

Rakesh Bhandari wrote,

Confronted with the problem of wages not keeping up with productivity, Lawrence
attempts to reconceptualize the data. First, he says we should look at real
hourly compensation in the business sector, instead of real average hourly
earnings; the former has increased by almost 9%, while the latter has
decreased by 15% between 1973 and 1994.   Why? This category  "real
compensation" includes supervisory workers and it includes "fringe
benefits" which are doubtless enjoyed disproportionately by supervisory
workers. Isn't Lawrence merely using data which will mask the exploitation
and oppression of the proletariat?

If Lawrence says we should look at real hourly compensation *instead of*
real average hourly earnings, then the data may indeed mask exploitation
(I'm not sure that either data series says much about oppression). But if he
says that we can better understand what is happening to hourly earnings if
we _also_ look at hourly compensation, then I agree with him (I'll have to
read his book to find out). My research suggests that "benefits" have a
rather perverse and pernicious effect on employment and on earnings inequality. 
In other words, there seems to be a causal relationship between the 9%
increase in real compensation and the 15% decrease in wages -- and not just
in terms of skyrocketing executive salaries. This is because most benefits
are paid by employers as fixed or quasi-fixed costs, which makes high-priced
labour relatively less expensive than low-priced labour.

I raised an aspect of this issue a few days ago on Pen-l in my message on
"the ninth hour" and have only received one, off-list, reply. So I'm
wondering whether progressive economists are particularly interested in the
dynamics of labour income inequality -- and how those dynamics *in turn*
affect the relationship between labour and capital -- or if the assumption
is that labour and capital are hermetically sealed compartments.

I'm with Bacon on the spider, ant and bee question. Or, to paraphrase Larry
Summers (and thus put at risk my appointment to the CEA;-): "I think
the economic logic of paying even lower wages to low wage earners is
impeccable and we should face up to that... Poor people are vastly over
compensated." (do I really have to put in a disclaimer for irony?)

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:7767] The ninth hour

1996-12-07 Thread Tom Walker

I am writing a research funding proposal (due Dec. 16) and would welcome any
suggestions on the analysis presented below. I'm particularly interested in
hearing of any work that has been or is being done along similar lines.

According to my rough calculations, using the B.C. pulp and paper industry
as a case in point, the "ninth hour" of a hypothetical "annual working day"
costs employers about 7.6% less than the "first hour", in spite of the legal
requirement for overtime pay at time and a half. At an industry standard
hourly rate of $23.50, the total cost to employers (including payroll taxes,
benefit premiums and allowance for paid time off) is $36.60 for the ninth
hour compared with $39.40 for the first hour. This is because most of the
non-wage labour costs are loaded on the standard eight hour day and some are
loaded on the first six or so hours of the day.

The obvious implication of such a relationship is that employers will favour
overtime over creating new employment because it is cheaper -- even at time
and a half. In the late 1970s or early 1980s, U.S. Rep. John Conyers had a
proposal to increase the overtime premium to double time as a way of
offsetting the effects of non-wage labour costs. The argument against such a
proposal was that it would actually lower total employment because the
higher labour costs will result in loss of demand and the substitution of
capital for labour.

Similarly, proposals for shortening the workweek run into a cost wall. And
this is not simply a question of "shorter hours at no loss in pay". When I
recalculate the employer costs assuming a 32 hour week instead of a 40 hour
week and assuming the same structure and level of benefits and payroll
taxes, and keeping the hourly base rate constant, the cost of the first hour
jumps to $42.25, while the cost of the first overtime hour (the "seventh
hour" of a hypothetical annual working day) remains at about $36.70. In
other words, the employer cost of the first overtime hour would become 15%
less than the cost for the first reuglar hour (again because of loading of
fixed and quasi-fixed non-wage labour costs on the regular hours). The
perverse result of a legislated reduction in the standard workweek thus
could be that average weekly hours worked would remain about the same and
the average amount of overtime would increase by around 8 hours a week --
although scale and substitution effects should again lead to a _total_
reduction in hours worked, thus increasing, rather than decreasing,
unemployment. 

The relationship between overtime costs and straight time costs is
counter-intuitive and clearly contradicts the intent of employment standards
legislation. The solution to the problem is, in theory, extremely simple:
distribute non-wage labour cost proportionately over the working day. In
practice, however, this would require that many well-established assumptions
of social security finance, employment standards regulation and collective
bargaining strategy would have to be reviewed for their effects on working
hours, total employment and employment equity.

It would be reckless to underestimate the intensity of political resistance
to pro-rating non-wage labour costs over the entire working day, including
all overtime hours. I suspect that many people would refuse to even look at
the calculation that clearly shows that "one and one half" is less than
"one". But I think this approach solves the dilemma of why the momentum for
the reduction of the working time has been stalled since the end of world
war two and, for many people, *reversed* in recent decades.



Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8188] The Undertime Tax (2/2)

1997-01-11 Thread Tom Walker

In my previous message I explained what I mean by the "undertime tax". In
this second message, I will explore the effects that removing the undertime
tax could have on unemployment in Canada.

In an article titled "Working Less and Enjoying it More" (Family Security in
Insecure Times, Canadian Council on Social Development, 1996), Frank Reid
discusses the job creation potential of voluntary work time reductions. His
estimates are based on a survey of employee attitudes toward work reductions
conducted by Statistics Canada in 1985. How closely those 12 year old
attitudes reflect current realities is a moot point, since what Reid is
highlighting is a possible direction, not a precise calculation.

Leaping past all the calculations and qualifications, Reid suggests that
voluntary work time reduction alone could reduce unemployment in Canada by
3-4%. This figure refers to voluntary reductions of REGULAR work times. A
further reduction in unemployment could be accomplished by reducing the
amount of regularly scheduled overtime, that is by reducing overtime that is
not a response to production disequilibria or to emergencies. The Advisory
Group on Working Time and the Distribution of Work estimated in 1994 that if
one-half of the _paid_ overtime were converted to new jobs, it could mean an
additional 80,000 full time jobs, (or a reduction in unemployment of about
half a percent). Adding the two figures gives an estimate of a three and a
half to four and a half percent reduction in unemployment.

The estimate of three and a half to four and a half percent included quite a
few conservative adjustments and it doesn't include any estimate of
multipliers based on the increased employment. Some might argue that
multipliers would be inappropriate because we are talking about the
redistribution of existing work rather than new economic activity.

Let's not quibble about the fine points -- using only the base estimates,
we're looking at potential full-time job creation of 560,000 to 720,000
people in Canada. Finance Minister Paul Martin boasts about an employment
increase of 671,000 jobs (not all of which are full time) since the end of 1993.

Being an Aristotlean, I am well aware of the difference between necessary
and sufficient conditions. I won't claim that removing the undertime tax
(and in the process restoring the effectiveness of overtime premiums) is
sufficient to realize the full potential of the 560,000 to 720,000 estimated
full-time jobs that could be converted from overtime and voluntary work time
reductions. But it IS a necessary condition. Those 560,000 to 720,000 jobs
are dead in the water as long as the government insists on nurturing the
long hours bias of public policy. 

It would seem that the government would need a very compelling reason to
turn away from the job creation potential outlined above. On the contrary,
correspondence I have from senior government officials suggests an eagerness
to clutch at pretext, no matter how feeble, to avoid considering the above
analysis. As an example, I have correspondence from an assistant deputy
minister making the outrageous statement that the structure of employment
insurance contributions could not act as an incentive to employers to use
overtime "until late in the year, after the employee had exceeded the
$39,000 annual maximum insurable earnings". 

As the instructor of an introductory course in project management, I have
news for the assistant deputy minister: business people are routinely
advised to ANTICIPATE costs and plan for ways to avoid them. In the case
where a permanent, full-time employee earns over $18.75 an hour, ANY
additional earnings will raise the employee's total annual income above the
$39,000 ceiling and thus can be viewed either as being exempt from
employment insurance contributions or as advancing the date after which
subsequent income will be exempt. From the employer's perspective, the only
difference would be uncertainty about unexpected terminations (quits,
deathes, layoffs). But since the employer is concerned a calculation of the
total payroll -- not each individual employee -- even such uncertainties can
be accounted for with relative ease.

To review my argument:

There is a substantial public policy bias against reducing work time and
that bias can be shown by the calculation of the undertime tax, which is
often larger than its opposite, the overtime premium.

Removal of the policy bias against reducing work time _could_ result in the
creation of an estimated 560,000 to 720,000 full-time jobs. But at any rate,
failure to remove the policy bias ensures that those jobs won't be created.

Government officials seem willing to clutch the feeblest pretext to avoid
even considering the job creation potential of a serious policy to enable
the voluntary reduction of work time (or, the job killing record of current
policy).

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^

[PEN-L:8187] The Undertime Tax (1/2)

1997-01-11 Thread Tom Walker

In this first of two messages, I will explain what I mean by the "undertime
tax". In the second message, I will explore the effects that removing the
undertime tax could have on unemployment in Canada.

Everyone's heard of "overtime premiums" -- such as the widespread provisions
for time and a half payment for work in excess of eight hours a day or forty
hours a week. How many people are aware of the undertime taxes, which are in
some cases higher than "time and a half"?

Overtime premiums are considered by economists to be a kind of tax, the
proceeds of which go to the employer rather than to the government. The
rationale for overtime premiums goes as follows: overtime work has external
social costs in that it contributes to higher unemployment; and the marginal
utility of an extra hour of work (at regular pay) to a full time employee is
frequently less than the value of an hour of leisure but workers often have
little power to refuse overtime work; therefore an overtime premium works
both to discourage socially undesirable overtime and to compensate the
employee in the event that overtime is necessary.

Using a standard collective agreement from the B.C. forest industry for an
example, I calculate the _effective_ overtime rate to be around 16%, not the
nominal 50% of employment standards legislation and collective agreements.
This is because of the effect of fixed labour costs such as payroll taxes,
many fringe benefits and certain kinds of paid time off (i.e., statutory
holidays but not annual vacation pay).

Using the same contract as a reference point, I calculate _UNDERTIME
PREMIUMS_ as ranging from 18% an hour for a one hour reduction in the
standard work week, to 21% an hour for a ten hour reduction in the work
week. Admittedly, however, this is a bit of a phantom calculation because it
spreads the added labour costs of a higher per hour average over a span of
"hours not worked". A more concrete calculation would spread the additional
cost over hours actually worked, but would be less intuitively comparable
with the more familiar overtime premium.

To do a calculation that is both concrete and intuitively comparable, I
calculate the cost of 480 hours of a 48 hour "overtime week"(10 employees);
a 32 hour, 5 day "undertime week"(15 employees); and compare the "overtime
week" and the "undertime week" with the standard week (12 employees):

Standard week =$17603.34
Overtime week =$18057.69
Undertime week = $18347.18 (the cost for the undertime week would be
$18283.23 if we assumed a four-day week)

To be mathematically scrupulous in our calculations, we should note that in
our example, an eight hour _reduction_ in the work week creates 120 hours of
"undertime" (that then have to be made up by the hiring of three new
workers) compared with the 80 hours of overtime created by an eight hour
increase in the work week. This makes the per hour undertime premium just
slightly higher than the per hour overtime premium, or, in the case of a
four day week, the undertime and overtime premiums are almost identical. But
it should be remembered that the undertime premium applies to 50% more hours.

In short, it is cheaper to increase the length of the work week than to
decrease it. The above calculation doesn't include the extra hiring and
training costs of enlarging a company's work force. It also assumes a
constant demand for labour at the varying hourly costs.

But here is the important point: the overtime and undertime premiums shown
above include only those elements of labour cost that are the direct or
indirect result of government tax policy or employment standards regulation.
The undertime premium does not express any feature of labour market supply
or demand -- it is entirely a creature of public policy.

Despite any claims to the contrary that Finance Minister Paul Martin may
make ("Neither the Bank of Canada nor the government has 'chosen' to keep
the unemployment rate at a high level."), official government policy in
Canada is to maintain high rates of unemployment by restricting the
shortening of work time.

I have written the prototype for a computer program that clearly and vividly
shows the effects of the undertime premium and I am in the process of
revising it so that it will be flexible enough to do the calculations for
any given combination of payroll taxes, fringe benefits and work schedules.
Expressions of interest are welcome.

In my next message, I will discuss estimates of the job creation potential
of voluntarily reducing work time.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8267] Multiple Choice Quiz

1997-01-17 Thread Tom Walker


1. Jack works 40 hours a week at a union job, where he earns a wage of $25
an hour and receives a package of fringe benefits (including paid time off)
worth a total of $12 an hour. If Jack works two hour a week overtime, at
time and a half, what is the approximate *ratio* of his net (after tax) pay
and benefits per hour of overtime to his regular hourly net pay and benefits?

a.) $37.50
b.) 150%
c.) 75%
d.) 100%


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8414] Re: more insecurity

1997-01-30 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine wrote,

BTW, Tom's point about how Doug's trends work when disaggregate 
is a good one. If I had the stats, I'd like to know the how the 
experience with unemployment spells has changed holding age, 
gender, race, industry mix, etc. constant. What do the Canadian 
stats say, Tom?

The following doesn't directly answer Jim's question, but is suggestive in
that at the bottom end of the earnings distribution, the decline of annual
hours reflects mostly an increase in the incidence and duration of
unemployment and only a modest shift to part-time and temporary work. At the
top end of the earnings distribution the increase in annual hours reflects a
dramatic increase in the weekly hours of more highly paid workers. I cite
the Morisette article because it is available on the internet from the
statscan site:

http://www.statcan.ca/Documents/English/Vlib/Research/ana80.htm

Why Has Inequality in Weekly Earnings Increased in Canada?
by René Morissette
No. 80:

"Inequality in weekly earnings increased in the eighties in Canada. The
growth in inequality occurred in conjunction with three facts. First, real
hourly wages of young workers dropped more than 10%. Second, the percentage
of employees working 35-40 hours per week in their main job fell and the
fraction of employees working 50 hours or more per week rose. Third, there
was a growing tendency for highly paid workers to work long workweeks. We
argue that any set of explanations of the increase in weekly earnings
inequality must reconcile these three facts. Sectoral changes in the
distribution of employment by industry and union status explain roughly 30%
of the rise in inequality. The reduction in real minimum wages and the
decline of average firm size explain very little of the growth in
age-earnings differentials. Skill-biased technological change could have
increased both the dispersion of hourly wages and the dispersion of weekly
hours of work and thus, is consistent a priori with the movements observed.
Yet other factors may have played an equally important - if not more
important -role. The growth in competitive pressures, possible shifts in the
bargaining power (between firms and labour) towards firms, the greater
locational mobility of firms, the increase in CanadaÂ’s openness to
international trade, the rise in fixed costs of labour and possibly in
training costs may be major factors behind the growth in weekly earnings
inequality in Canada."
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8472] Re: Is this a consensus?

1997-02-05 Thread Tom Walker


Max Sawicky asked (about NAIRU),

That's seems like a pretty bold prediction.
What makes you say it?

I don't want to quarrel with Jim Devine's useful discussion of the
distinction between NAIRU and NRU. Somewhere, buried in this mountain of
scraps of paper with notes on them I've got a reference to an article that
catalogued the various species of NAIRU. As I recall there is not a single
NAIRU theory but six vague and incomplete versions, each borrowing
haphazardly parts from some of the others to fill in its own gaps and
inconsistencies. Maybe there's as many versions of NRU. I think it was
Nietszche who used the expression, "mobile army of metaphors". 

As a metaphysical concept, I've got no more problem with NAIRU than I do
with angels dancing on the heads of pins. It's as a guide to policy that I
predict the rats will soon desert the NAIRU ship -- and it won't be for
technical or theoretical reasons. I've got a deadline that I'm working to on
another issue, so I can't go into a detailed analysis of my speculation on
NAIRU, other than to say that NAIRU ruled only so long as it seemed to
underpin a pragmatic policy direction (TINA) that business and governments
were already inclined to follow for political, not economic, reasons. It
wasn't the theory (theories) that drove the policies, but the policies that
sought out the theory for self-justification. 

Jerry Levy will no doubt be amazed at how quickly the ideologues will start
singing another tune when the bandwagon starts rolling in the other
direction. Remember what happened in the so-called East Bloc a decade ago?
Repeat over and over to yourself: "It can't happen here. It can't happen
here." Feel better?

BUT, don't ask what direction the bandwagon is going to start rolling in or
what the new tune is going to be. All I know is the old one's come to it's
last refrain.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8455] Re: Is this a consensus?

1997-02-04 Thread Tom Walker

Sid Shniad quoted,

"Karl Marx argued that capitalism needs a 'reserve army' of unemployed
labor to restrain wage demands and safeguard profits.  Most economic
policy makers still think the same way, but recent experience in the U.S.
and Britain suggests the army might need fewer troops than it used to."

And Doug Henwood replied,

Yes, I'd say this is the ruling class consensus now.

Yeah, but. Stay tuned for "The End of NAIRU," coming soon to a listserv near
you. Two years from now you won't be able to find an economist anywhere who
will admit to having believed in the 'natural rate of unemployment'. Print
this prediction and paste it on your monitor, if it doesn't come true, send
me the paper and I'll eat it.



Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9471] Weird

1997-04-13 Thread Tom Walker

While sifting through some of the rumours swirling around the Bre-X fiasco,
I came across some fascinating muckraking regarding Freeport McMoRan, the
Louisiana-based company brought in to develop the Bre-x find. There now
appear to be two equally bizarre possibilities: 1. the Bre-x discovery was a
fraud or 2. the collapse of the Bre-x bubble was a brazen armed robbery of
gargantuan proportions. Of course, it could all just be a big
misunderstanding ;-)

Check out this web site: http://www.webcom.com/lpease/pr596-fp.html if
you're not completely allergic to conspiracy theorists. The page contains
the second part of a two part story about Freeport McMoRan, the CIA, the Bay
of Pigs invasion, the JFK assassination, the 1965 coup and bloodbath in
Indonesia, Henry Kissinger, the invasion of East Timor, etc. etc. To put it
mildly, the article suggests that Freeport McMoRan has been at the centre of
some very, very nasty business.

See also a message from Pratap Chatterjee to NATIVE-L (December 1995):
INDONESIA: US mining giant implicated in Indonesian atrocities:
http://bioc09.uthscsa.edu/natnet/archive/nl/9512/0135.html

And here's a few more web pages that offer a taste of how this "corporate
citizen" operates.

http://www.cs.utexas.edu/users/boyer/fp/official-fcm-minutes.html
http://www.auschron.com/issues/vol14/issue40/slusher.40.html
http://www.auschron.com/issues/vol15/issue11/pols.cunningham.html
http://www.cedar.univie.ac.at/arch/infoterra/96mar/msg5.html

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9482] Re: Weird and weirder

1997-04-14 Thread Tom Walker

Further on the Bre-X saga, apparently CBC newsworld is producing a show on
conspiracy theories related to Bre-X (see fwd message, below).

A few facts emerge:

1. The Wall Street Journal reports that the Suharto regime has replaced a
top mining official but denies that it has anything to do with the Busang
gold controversy

2. Bobby Hasan, Suharto's point man in the Busang gold deal is reported by
the Calgary Sun to have arranged a half billion dollar loan with a Hong Kong
Bank to purchase Bre-X stock.

3. "The Helms-Burton law has provisions under which Sherritt can be sued in
the U.S. by the company that once owned the Moa nickel mine, Freeport
McMoRan Inc. 
 
"The U.S. company is the same firm that has a 15 per cent stake in the Busang 
gold deposit in Borneo staked out by Bre-X Minerals Ltd."


Hi .. My name is Steve Knifton .. producer of the CBC newsworld
network program Benmergui Live ..

this is short notice, but here goes: I'm producing a program tomorrow,
Tuesday april 15th on the conspiracy theory industry.

I'm interested in hearing, by phone or email, from people with an
interest in this area ... i'm particularly interested in trying to
reach people with theories about the Bre-X imbroglio .. conspiratorial
or not .. .

plse email or call me ASAP .. 416 205-2220 ... leave a message with
voice mail if i don't answer .. thanks ... steve k.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9413] Where's the beef?

1997-04-09 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky summed up the basic argument, qua social democracy as,

The issue isn't whether I or anyone else "likes" social democracy...
The issue is how good stuff happens and how shit happens.

And Jim Devine replied,

 The basic argument here is whether [A] positive social change
happens because grassroots agitation ... or [B] whether such agitation 
bolsters or fuels the political initiatives of ... social-democrats 
who hold public office, staff the public sector, work in the media, 
or do advocacy.

I'm afraid both sides beg the question of what is "good stuff" and/or
"positive social change" and focus on the secondary issue of how it happens.
In some ways, this relates back to the discussion of utopianism and the
aphorism (Yogi Berra?) that if you don't know where you're going, it doesn't
matter how fast you're travelling.

I'm reminded of Betty Friedan's chapter title hook, "the problem that has no
name". Do we really, really all know more or less what we mean when we say
progressive social change? Is it more or less our present lives with a few
of the discomforts and dangers eliminated? Or is it something completely
different?

BLS DAILY REPORT, TUESDAY, APRIL 8, 1997

Job pressure is driving many workers to perform unethical or illegal 
activities in the workplace, according to a survey released by the 
American Society of Chartered Life Underwriters  Chartered Financial 
Consultants.  Nearly half (48 percent) of the 1,324 responding workers 
said they had committed one or more unethical or illegal acts in the 
past year because of job pressure, according to the survey 
...Balancing work and family was the leading cause of pressure cited 
by respondents (52 percent), followed by poor internal communication, 
work hours/work load, and poor leadership.  Unethical actions 
employees admitted to included "cutting corners on quality control" 
(cited by 16 percent of respondents, covering up incidents, abusing or 
lying about sick days, lying to or deceiving customers, etc. 
...(Daily Labor Report, page A-4).
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9399] Re: The discussion about social democracy

1997-04-08 Thread Tom Walker

Elaine Bernard wrote,

 But we need to ROAR in the streets too!

"Let's boogie!" (a private joke for BCers)

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9384] Re: help on readings on socio-economics?

1997-04-07 Thread Tom Walker

I second Max Sawicky's suggestion,

Or you could ask some progressive sociologists with knowledge of 
economics for directions, such as Fred Block.

Block discusses his approach to "economic sociology" in the intro to his
_Postindustrial Possibilities: a Critique of Economic Discourse_ (1990,
University of California Press)
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8963] Re: Canada and Cuba

1997-03-17 Thread Tom Walker

Bill,

Congratulations on completing your comprehensives!

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8943] Re: Marilyn Waring

1997-03-16 Thread Tom Walker

It's ironic that Bill Cochrane should answer my charge of sarcasm with an
antipodean satire. Never again will I make the mistake of taking anything
'New Yawk' Doug Henwood says at face value, dwelling as he does at the
epicenter of dissimulation (according to the verita-geography of
sheep-pasture Bill's reliable sources).

But, getting back to Marilyn Waring's canonization, there are two issues
here. One is Waring's critique of the GDP as glorification of exchange
transactions. The other is Waring's personal and political character. 

I haven't seen the video (produced by the National Film Board of Canada),
but I've heard that it leans heavily on fabricating a persona for Ms.
Waring, at the expense of her critique. In that context, I agree that Bill's
debunking is appropriate, or *would be* appropriate if only Bill would
supply for instances instead of the kind of broad brush allusions to 'tory
scum', 'her ilk' and 'fucking over the people'.

I have read the book (several years ago) and it seems to me that it
presented a well-reasoned and accessible critique of the glorification of
GDP. It's fair to say that a critique of GDP should be nothing new to
marxists, since it was embedded in marxian categories nearly a century
before the GDP was even invented. But even marxists may be tempted into
playing 'we can beat you at your own GDP' game, or as Nikita Kruschev once
put it, "we will bury you." We all know what happened to the USSR. And there
are many paths to wisdom, some of which don't set out from chapter one of
Das Kapital.

Perhaps a more useful way of looking at Waring's reception as a
'progressive', would be to think about the very narrow space that exists for
any political/economic analysis or dissent in North America. Into such a
vacuum, even a fart may come as a breath of fresh air (if you'll pardon my
crudity).

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8933] Re: Marilyn Waring

1997-03-15 Thread Tom Walker

Perhaps Bill Cochrane was just being sarcastic, but I don't recall seeing
anyone nominate Marilyn Waring for sainthood or minor deity status. In my
view, being a tory is no disqualification for having something sensible to
say. Nor is being "no friend of unions or . . . other traditional left
progressive organizations (OTLPOs)" an unforgivable sin.

Unions and OTLPOs have often been hostile to environmental issues, 'women's'
issues, and racial equality issues. Unions have often been hostile to the
'left'. For that matter, TLPOs are often hostile to OTLPOs.

Unions and OTLPOs have traditionally gone along with a capitalist GDP growth
model, disputing only the ultimate division of the spoils. Sometimes it
takes a tory to say something sensible that 'even' the left refuses to
acknowledge.

In the 1970s North American left there was a lot of anxiety about
'ideological purity'. Sectlet competed with sectlet for mastery of a
'correct analysis.' Of course, some of the big wigs of some of the most
rigourously pure sectlets went on to academic careers and had 'second
thoughts' about their youthful radicalism, joining the already considerable
ranks of ex-marxist neo-cons. This alone should serve as sufficient warning
against the tenuousness of using ancestoral *ad hominem* as a criteria for
dismissing or embracing ideas.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8903] New SSA in place?

1997-03-14 Thread Tom Walker

Blair Sandler wrote,

 . . . the WSJ today opined that a new global social structure
of accumulation (they don't use that term, of course) is in place for a
sustained period of high growth rates it several times refers to as a "new
golden age."

snip

So,... aren't you all just *thrilled* by the good news...?

Personally, I plan to put my life savings into mutual funds so I can take
advantage of the coming good times. As far as I can tell, there's only one
fly in the WSJ golden age ointment: like Heartfield's Hitler, the new, super
capitalism "schluckt Gold und redet Blech".
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8845] Overworked and Underemployed

1997-03-06 Thread Tom Walker

Barry Bluestone and Stephen Rose's article, "Unraveling an Economic Enigma:
Overworked and Underemployed", in the March-April issue of American
Prospect, is available online at:

http://epn.org/prospect/31/31bluefs.html

The copyright notice permits re-transmission of the article in its entirety.
But because the file is about 45k, I won't send it out to the list. Just a
teaser paragraph:

"Based on a new analysis of the data, we have found that Americans
are indeed working longer than they once did, if not quite as much as
Schor would have us believe. But, more importantly, we have also
found that many Americans are both overworked and underemployed.
Because of growing job instability, workers face a "feast and famine"
cycle: They work as much as they can when work is available to
compensate for short workweeks, temporary layoffs, or permanent job
loss that may follow. What's more, while American families as a whole
are putting in more time, that work isn't producing significant increases
in living standards. For the typical two-breadwinner household, having
both parents work longer hours may not mean an extra trip to Disney
World or nicer clothes for school; more likely, it means keeping up car
payments or just covering the costs of food and housing."

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8561] Re: Nairu,etc.

1997-02-11 Thread Tom Walker

Paul Phillips wrote,

 ...[NAIRU, vertical phillips curve...] means you can not reduce
unemployment through macro policy without first changing the
institutions (destroying unions, capping wages, reducing minimum
wages, UI payments, deregulating labour markets, etc., all the
elements of the neo-con agenda.)
...
... the rate of inflation acceptable to the capos which
is also compable with the minimum rate of profits acceptable to the
capos...

At the risk of blowing the discussion wide open, I have to challenge Paul's
one-sided listing of anti-working class institutional changes ("destroying
unions, capping wages," etc.) as if change were all bad. Strategically, the
heaviest burden for the left for the last 25 years has been the defence of
welfare state institutions, which, at best, were poorly designed and
unresponsive or, at worst, were actually intended to contain social unrest
and channel it away from political action (in which case they were not so
poorly designed, after all).

I've been called everything from a laissez-faire libertarian to a frothing
at the mouth right-winger for suggesting that some of those welfare state
institutions may not be worth defending at all. In fact, I maintain that it
is in the best interest of working people to dismantle some aspects of the
welfare state that are downright regressive. My advocacy is not based on a
hare-brained strategy to "make things worse so the masses will revolt" but
on an analysis of the political trade-offs contained in specific welfare
state policies.

Similarly, I think we miss a lot of the complexity if we insist that ruling
class policy goals are concerned _solely_ or even predominantly with
ensuring profits. Maintaining political hegemony is also high on the agenda
for the "capos" and that isn't always compatible with the most direct route
to profitability. Contra Mao and Chomsky, I'd have to argue (with Gramsci 
Aristotle) that political power comes neither from the barrel of a gun nor
from the ownership of the media. Persuasion still has something to do with it.

What the neo-liberals (I prefer this term to neo-con) have succeeded in
doing with their NAIRUs and their 'deregulation' is seize the platform as
proponents of a _possible_ future. They have only been able to monopolize
this stance because the left(s) have vacillated between being defenders of a
(illusory) comfortable recent past and advocates of an unlikely, apocalytic
vision.

Frankly, all of us, right and left, are a lot more bureaucratic and
conformist than any of us would care to admit. Thrust into political power,
we invariably peek into the file cabinets to see "how it's always been done." 

To get back to Paul's comment about not being able to exercise "macro policy
without first changing the institutions" -- it's true in the most
fundamental sense. There is no macro policy exogenous to the institutions
that exercise it and on which it is exercised. The dispute between right and
left should not be about WHETHER to change institutions but about HOW to
change institutions.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8609] Re:World Banquet

1997-02-14 Thread Tom Walker

doug henwood wrote,

I see my dear friend David Korten is keeping up with the latest
developments. Conable, not Constable, left the WB presidency something like
five years ago. He was succeeded by Lewis Preston, who has since died, and
then by James Wolfensohn, who is very much alive, and a walking example of
the bourgeoisie at its cleverest.

I wouldn't jump to blame Korten for the anachronism and the name error. The
message after all was a citation of a citation. The source may well have
referred to an event over five years old. That's a problem with the
"immediacy of the internet" -- old news can get recycled for ever.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8637] Re: market socialism, planned socialism

1997-02-16 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky replied to my comments, and asked several questions
(rhetorically, perhaps?),

Perhaps because your erudition shields you 
from the ordinary concerns, values, and habits of
most people?  Maybe you need to phone home.

Many apologies for my erudition. But I am already _at home_ in the "ordinary
concerns, values, and habits of most people". No need to phone. What I am
questioning is the way those ordinary concerns, values and habits are
articulated. I won't argue with Max's "one in twenty" estimate of the
proportion of people who would see "the quest for income" as odd. Far less
than one in twenty would see commodity production as odd. Probably no more
than one in twenty "marxian economists" would see commodity production as
odd. That doesn't mean it's _not_ odd.

All's I'm saying is that we need to look beyond the taken for granted view.

 And what's your time horizon for 
"new-fangled"?  Since the death of Christ?

Mid 19th century for capitalist work discipline (see E.P. Thompson, "Time,
Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism"). 1920s for consumer orientation
(See Benjamin Hunnicutt, _Work without End_). But I guess from the
perspective of a timeless present, a hundred years or two might as well be
eternity.

Are we talking rice-and-bean communes here?
Is that the plan for economic renewal?

I've got nothing against rice or beans. My guess is more people subsist on
those two staples than do on brie-and-chardonnay. "The plan for economic
renewal" may be a little over ambitious for this one small guy. I'll settle
for elements of a strategy, and I outline some of these at:
http://mindlink.net/knowware/timework.htm 

But Jeez, a guy could get whiplash being thrown back and forth between
"excess erudition" and "rice-and-beans communes."

Then we should all renounce economics and take up
anthropology.  Maybe the world would be a better 
place.

Maybe the world would be a better place if *economists* would stop
renouncing the insights of other disciplines, such as anthropology. Perhaps
"renounce" is too strong a word for a refusal to even acknowledge that other
ways of knowing may bear on the issues that economics seeks to treat.

What would it matter if we weren't [descended from Robinson Crusoe]?

For one thing, maybe Friday could get a day off every now and then.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8672] Re: market socialism, planned socialism

1997-02-17 Thread Tom Walker

Michael Perelman wrote,

Funny that Doug and Harry both remarked on the strangeness of capitalism.
I am discussing that subject just now in my latest project.  I am off to
the library to look at Polanyi's "Aristotle disovers the economy" again.

BUT, lest we get carried away with only the _strangeness_ of capitalism,
there is the infamous other side: it works. It doesn't achieve a just
distribution of wealth, but it does sustain a remarkable generation and
accumulation of wealth, technological innovation etc., etc.. And it works
only up to a point (crisis tendencies).

My point in mentioning potlatch (besides a bit of local B.C. boosterism) was
that it is another example of a cultural institution that was apparently
very successful in underpinning a remarkable generation and accumulation of
wealth, although the "rationality" of the potlatch isn't obvious to a
Euro-centric view. In fact, the potlatch was outlawed by the British
colonists. It would be easy to think of this prohibition as a mean-spirited
repressive thing done just for the sake of crushing a people's culture. But
the Brits probably thought they were "protecting" the aboriginals from their
destructive and wasteful ways -- "saving them from themselves."

If we think of markets as cultural institutions, then there are issues at
stake other than rationalizing the production and distribution of use
values. I'll just mention the issue of motivation as one that regularly
stumps the advocates of central planning -- and, no, the answer isn't
"indoctrination." It may be useful, here, to think again about Max Sawicky's
"quest for income" remark with the qualification that we needn't see such a
quest as rational behaviour, nor see the outcome of the quest as having much
to do with innate ability, application or even luck. In many cases, the
"outcome" may be predetermined and the "quest" an entirely ritual activity
carried out to legitimize the predetermined order of things. 

Still bothering me in the "market socialism/planned socialism" dichotomy is
a little demon I'll call by the code name of the teleology of reason. Isn't
Hegel standing on his head _still_ Hegel?

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8700] Re: market socialism, socialist fun

1997-02-18 Thread Tom Walker

Michael wrote,

Besides, markets are not a lot of fun.

and Blair wrote,

Am I just wrong, perhaps overly romanticizing, if I suggest that markets
can be fun when they are highly contextualized, a small part of an
extensive network of non-market relations?

As Doug Henwood might say, "fun" is hardly a transparent category.;-)
Seriously, though, this is important. Given the choice between a guaranteed
subsistence on the sole condition that I be bored stiff for the rest of my
life and a precarious existence with the potential for excitement, fun,
variety, and the unexpected, I know I'd choose the latter. Maybe that makes
me a petty bourgeois hedonist.

The problem is: late, late capitalism offers a precarious, boring existence
for some and guaranteed, simulated fun for others. 

The task for socialists is not to work everything out so that the economy
runs as a perfectly functional machine. The task for socialists is to show
that autonomy is more fun than wage slavery.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8996] Re: EPI Issue Brief, PDF Format (31K)

1997-03-18 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky wrote,

If there is any objection to my posting
this to this list, please let me know and
I will of course comply with the rules of
the group.

Max, 

I look forward to reading the EPI issue brief, but I would suggest that
large files such as this be made available -on request- from the EPI web
site. Two reasons - 1. some subscribers have to pay by volume, have slow
download times and may not be able to run the software to read the brief
once they get it; 2. although many of us may be interested in an EPI brief
on work and welfare, few of us would be interested in receiving a large file
documenting, say, 'the history of polemical struggles on the marxism list.'

I suggest we should have a standing rule of "no attachments" for posts to pen-l.
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9027] Re: Socialist Scholars Conference

1997-03-20 Thread Tom Walker

Karl Carlile wrote,

KARL: The kind of circus event is just one more of a multiplicity of
events on the circus circuit. Basically they constitute no more than
a means by which many of these lefty media stars promote themselves
and thereby their pocket, their status and fame. Despite the
thousands of books published by the marxology industry these
marxilogists they are still unable to outline the character of the
modern world and the correct political course to be followed.

We all know that Karl is right, but most of us probably shrug and console
ourselves with a resigned "but, there is no alternative!" There is an
alternative. The alternative involves exposing our personal lives and
'careers' to unacceptable risk. Like mystics, we are all able to assess the
riskiness of certain utterances or actions (quite apart from their legality
or physical danger) without admitting that we are even making such an
assessment.

"Scholarship" has been defined in North America as otherworldly, so
socialism is acceptable as a legitimate topic for scholars. But compare the
market for socialist scholarship with, say, the market for socialist _policy
analysis_. (And, yes, this is an oblique reference to discussions of "market
socialism" -- what about "markets _for_ socialism?"). One of the major,
unspoken problems of the left is that when lefties succeed they do so by
carving out an accommodating niche in the dominant ideology. The
accommodation goes both ways.

How many of us could deny that we or our colleagues routinely dismiss our
own best ideas as 'unworkable'? The greatest fear? That we'll be dismissed
as cranks.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9136] Re: four minor points

1997-03-25 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky asked,

If students who pay for some type of education are not
customers, what are they?  Suckers?

Apprentices in the process of coming to know what they know. It may sound
pretentious (not to mention paradoxical), but people can't be taught
anything they don't already know. In agreement with Paulo Freire and Myles
Horton, I see the teacher's role as helping students to discover the value
and meaning of what they already know from practical experience and to learn
to reflect and build on those insights instead of feeling subservient to the
pronouncements of experts.

Often students do see themselves as "customers" who are paying for the
commodity that they have been told is education. This so-called education
requires no ethical commitment from the customer and it involves no personal
transformation. A better word for it would be a "franchise in a package of
cliches". The cliches are worthless but in the perverse world of inflated
credentials and disdain for genuine learning they may, by sheer chance,
realize a greater exchange value than any quantity of knowledge or wisdom.
Usually, though, the cliches are totally depreciated by the time the student
drives them out of the showroom.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9230] Gravity's Gold Mine

1997-03-29 Thread Tom Walker

No, it's not a parody of the Thomas Pynchon novel . . . 

I'd love to hear Doug Henwood's random thoughts about the possible fall out
from the Bre-X fiasco. My own guess is that there will be a massive
intervention in financial markets next week by central banks and
institutions in an attempt to prevent a collapse. The intervention may or
may not be successful in the short run, but the medium term consequences of
a successful rescue will be to create a huge overhang of unwanted paper that
will continue to depress the market for the rest of the century.

I want to be clear that I'm not saying that the Bre-X collapse will be the
_cause_ of the panic, only the trigger. Bre-X is tiny, insignificant -- but
it is emblematic of the "Dow 7000" mob hysteria. The rise and demise of
Bre-X couldn't have been more "fictional" in its scripting: *bankrupt*
promoter spends last $10,000 to fly to *Indonesia* (exoticism, repression,
corruption) to stake his claim . . .  first assay results claim the gold
find of the century; political intrique and machinations (Bush, Mulruney,
Suharto) in the bidding to develop the mine . . .  then, when the plot
turns, the chief geologist leaps out of a helicopter above the Borneo
rainforest . . . trading in Bre-X is halted  . . . the share price continues
to plunge on the "gray market" . . . the due diligence assay results show
insignificant amounts of gold . . . 

Can the dimensions of such a "morality tale" possibly be lost on the mutual
fund mob?
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9229] Bre-X-files

1997-03-28 Thread Tom Walker

Virtual Juxtaposition

Helicopter bungee jumping into the borneo rainforest meets "extraterrestrial
biological entity" cult suicide in San Diego: coincidence or sign?

Next week on the Bre-X-files: Albania annexes Wall Street

Bre-X Minerals:

 In a news release, Bre-X Minerals Ltd. (BXMNF) said:
 'It is with great sadness that we have to announce
 that Mike de Guzman, Bre-X's chief geologist at the
 Busang gold deposit, fell approximately 800 feet
 from a helicopter as he was returning to the mine
 site in East Kalimantan, Borneo, Indonesia. This is
 a tragic development, and our hearts and prayers are
 with Mike's family.'

 The company said a search and rescue team is
 conducting an extensive search of the area.

Heaven's Gate:

"In the early 1970's, two members of the Kingdom of Heaven (or what some
might call two aliens from space) incarnated into two unsuspecting humans in
Houston, a registered nurse and a college music professor who were in their
forties. The nurse and the professor hadn't previously known each other and
had completely separate lives. The registered nurse was happily married with
four children, worked in the nursery of a local hospital, and enjoyed a
small astrology practice. The music professor, a divorcee who had lived with
a male friend for some years, was contentedly involved in cultural and
academic activities. 

"For about a year before they met, their lives seemed to encounter severe
upheaval and personal confusion, later recognized as the human body's
response to the entry of the minds from what "the two" referred to as the
"Next Level," or the physical level above human. About nine months after
they first met, they left Houston because their lives, which were crumbling
around them, made it impossible to concentrate on what was actually
happening to them. 

.. . . (snip, snip, snip, snip)

"In spite of their repeated effort to refute this explanation, all things
continue to lead them to believe the following (Hold onto your hats!):

"They were briefed as a crew aboard a spacecraft about how they would
incarnate into human vehicles in order to do a task. They left their Kingdom
"world" and came into this "world" beginning in the late 1940's. They feel
that some left their Next Level bodies via so-called UFO "crashes." However,
they believe that the crashes were not accidental, as they appeared to be to
the humans who witnessed the remains and recovered some of the bodies. These
are now in the possession of governments (one of our Government's scientists
coined the term "EBE" -- extraterrestrial biological entities -- to identify
these beings, also frequently referred to as "greys"). Some left their
bodies behind in "cold storage," or the Next Level's wardrobe, for the
duration of this task. Others were in "spirit," having not yet earned Next
Level bodies since having left the human kingdom.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9141] Re: customers or suckers?

1997-03-25 Thread Tom Walker

Max wrote,

I always thought of education as much more impersonal than
all this, as well as more substantive.  Maybe I'm the 
misanthropic exception, but I don't think so (in this context,
at least).  Once again, I smell those beans simmering on
the stove . . .

I hope Max isn't just trying to be funny here. Because there ARE beans
simmering on the stove!
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9125] Re: four minor points

1997-03-25 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine wrote,

1. If you haven't read Jane Smiley's comic novel MOO, do so. It's got great
descriptions of the economist, Dr. Guest, who thinks of students as
"customers" and trains them (with evangelistic glee) to be individualistic
free-riders. He loves the fact that the results fit with his a priori
vision of human nature. (This fits perfectly with the studies that indicate
that economics courses have this effect.) It's about a university that's
suffering from massive cut-backs.

Life imitates art department -- speaking of students as "customers", here's
part of a memo I received from the director of a night schoool program where
I teach a course:

"But it must be emphasized that we work within a full cost recoverable
operation and as such the needs of our customers must come first. This need
to be answerable to the marketplace, as mentioned earlier, is very important
to our survival. Let me reiterate that while [name of institution deleted]
credit programs do receive public monies, Continuing Studies non-credit
operations do not. This department is not mandated by the province and we
exist only to the extent that we are able to fully recover our costs."

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:9006] Re: speaking of Hayek

1997-03-18 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine wrote,

The laws of quantum mechanics imply that Hayek couldn't have been wrong
_all the time_. But I think it's bad karma to bring up Hayek on pen-l,
because there are Hayekian lurkers about who will bombard us with the Truth
about Hayek.

Now hold on just a moment! Am I the only one in the world who thinks that
Hayekianism *rigourously applied* would produce a devastating critique of
the Thatcherite masquerade? Of course, no self-respecting Hayekian (least of
all Hayek, himself) would *dream* of rigourously applying the critique to
themselves and no one else would really *need* Hayek to unmask the
transparently self-serving inconsistencies of 'neo-liberalism'. Oh well.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8729] Re: market socialism, planned socialism, ut

1997-02-19 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky wrote,

Of course, when an asteroid exceeding 
about 2 mi. in diameter hits the earth, it will 
have paid to borrow after all, since much of the 
consequent interest payments will be avoided.

However, if the money was borrowed to finance speculation on real estate,
the capital gains will also have been wiped out!
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8670] Re: the oddities and logic of capitalism

1997-02-17 Thread Tom Walker

Jerry Levy quoted everyone else and then wrote,

To say that capitalism is "odd", by itself, is not a very meaningful
statement. For Marx, the object was to discover the _logic_ of capitalism
("the economic law of motion of modern society"), rather than mere
oddities. It is easy enough to talk about "oddities" -- more difficult is
developing a systematic analysis of why what appears only to be odd 
represents a necessary form of appearance of capital inherent in the 
value-form.

While discussion of "oddities" is a (sometimes) amusing and interesting 
pastime, the task of political economy is to penetrate beyond the veil 
of both the "odd" and the "normal." 

I agree entirely with Jerry's first paragraph and can only laugh at his
second. What ever could have "aroused" Jerry to such "seminal" thought?

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8633] Re: market socialism, planned socialism

1997-02-15 Thread Tom Walker

Max B. Sawicky wrote:

... If we all began the
quest for income from the same starting 
point, and the determining factors were 
luck, innate abilities, and industriousness, I 
wonder how many would favor altering the results 
of such a process, beyond the mundane ones 
of moderating the extremes or ensuring some
minimum standard of living to all.

Why is it that after reading just a few classics of sociology and
anthropology in my wild youth (not to mention a smattering of literature), I
feel like a visitor from outer space when I read Max's words or some of the
other contributions to this thread. THE QUEST FOR INCOME . . . God, I hope
they don't make it into a movie. (I can almost hear the sound track, now:
dum-dum DUM dum, dum-dum DUM dum...;-))

Forget about luck, innate abilities and industriousness on the one hand and
equality on the other hand. What about the idea that the cash nexus is a
new-fangled will-o'-the-wisp, anyway? I couldn't resist dipping into a
little Marcel Mauss (The Gift) before writing this to reassure myself that I
hadn't dreamed it. Yes, there were (are?) people living in (shall we say)
"non-capitalist" arrangements. We even may be some of them, ourselves --
simply not keeping as diligent records of our non-market exchanges as of our
market exchanges.

What about the suggestion that even much of what *passes* for market
exchanges are ritual activities that are then given the respectible cover of
market exchanges? What, then, does luck (innate abilities, industriousness,
equality of opportunity or equality of outcome) have to do with it? And how
much is just totem and taboo wearing a bowler hat?

How come this thread doesn't address the question of "potlatch capitalism"
or some other hybrid variety, instead of insisting on a false dichotomy
between two versions of idealistic rationalism, market exchange and central
planning? 

Or did the anthropologists and sociologists just make it all up and we're
all really descended from Robinson Crusoe?

(I left the truncated "ut" off the end of the subject line. Maybe the
truncation of utopia was apt.)

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8611] Hours of Work Policy Brief

1997-02-14 Thread Tom Walker

ANNOUNCEMENT: POLICY BRIEF AND PUBLIC FORUM

"Not only is the overtime premium ('time and a half') ineffective in
discouraging regularly scheduled overtime, it's now producing an effect
opposite to its intent."


The full argument is at HTTP://MINDLINK.NET/KNOWWARE/TIMEWORK.HTM

How can the 'punishment' be blamed for the 'crime'? There are two aspects to
the argument. One is that hours of work legislation containing premium pay
provisions give a false sense that hours of work *are* regulated when, in
fact, the premium pay provisions provide a blanket exception to the law and
amount to little more than a bookkeeping complication. The second is that,
over a long period, employers have moved to offset any actual cost impact
from the overtime premium by incorporating a larger component of fixed-cost
benefits into employee compensation (salaries are the limit case of
fixed-cost compensation). The long term effect of such an avoidance strategy
is to make the overtime payroll no more costly to employers than
straight-time and *often cheaper*.

The policy brief at http://mindlink.net/knowware/timework.htm contains the
full text of a paper to be presented to the Vancouver Labour Research Forum
on February 24. It also contains a 650 word executive summary that has been
submitted as an opinion piece to the weekly paper, _Business in Vancouver_.
The analysis will form part of Tom Walker's presentation to a public forum,
with author/activist Bruce O'Hara, on "Better Times: Exploring the Idea of a
Shorter Work Week" at the University of British Columbia, March 8, 1997, 10
am - 2 pm. Call UBC Continuing Studies at 822-1450 for information and
registration.

IF YOU KNOW SOMEONE WHO WOULD BE INTERESTED IN THIS ANNOUNCEMENT, PLEASE
FORWARD!

Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8588] Re: child of NAIRU!

1997-02-12 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine writes,

It's better to have some idea than to have no idea at all 
about these questions. Do we just throw up our hands (or simply 
throw up?) and say that one can't say _definitely_ that 
unemployment in the US is lower now than it was in 1933? 

I agree with much of what Jim says. And I'm all for having "some idea rather
than no idea at all." But, having some idea is not the same as being able to
say _definitely_ that unemployment in the US is lower now than it was in 1933. 

My own "definite" sense that unemployment was higher in 1933 comes from the
mass of anecdotal evidence, not from comparison of the U rates (and I'll bet
Jim's does, too). I frankly wouldn't know where to begin to compare the
differences in data collection methods, definitions of unemployment, level
of participation in market vs. subsistence economy etc. No, I have to
correct myself, I *would* know where to begin -- by listing all of the
substantive social-historical differences I could find and then trying to
find anecdotal evidence that might allow me to interpret the data in such a
way that I could make a reasonably confident comparison.

At the end of such a process, I might well want to present the results in a
table comparing the (now highly qualified and possibly 'adjusted') "rates"
of unemployment. For me, that would be more of a rhetorical practice
(presenting information in a way that might be intelligible to my audience)
than a scientific one. The scientific practice would involve making the
distinctions between methods of data collection, etc., etc.

I don't object at all to comparing "rates of unemployment" provided the
numbers are embedded in a discussion of how the measurement has been arrived
at and what it does and doesn't reveal. What I object to is the comparison
of rates in the abstract. And, IN ABSTRACTION, there is no comparing the
1933 rate of unemployment and the 1997 one. Nor is there any comparing the
1943 labour force participation rate and that of 1997. Such comparisons are
no more meaningful than would be a "literary" evaluation that simply counts
the number of words in a book. As H.L. Menckin said, "Which words? In what
order?"
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8569] Re: wrongful dismissals

1997-02-11 Thread Tom Walker

The point of the connection with the wrongful dismissal suits and the
hiring of welfare recipients was that the firms wanted to dump some
existing workers for no cause, so that they could chip in an contribute
to the social good by hiring welfare recipients.

I kinda thought the firms wanted to hire the welfare recipients so they
could turn around and fire them at the first opportunity, thus using them as
an example to keep their existing work force on their toes -- sort of an
employee morale boosting program. Call it "Operation Phoenix".
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8566] Re: Nairu, etc.

1997-02-11 Thread Tom Walker

I agree with Paul Phillips that NAIRU/NRU makes favourable institutional
change seem unacceptable. I just don't happen to believe that the ascendancy
of NAIRU/NRU was inevitable and I don't believe it's now invulnerable. None
of this is at all unfortunate for my position. My position is that the left
hasn't really challenged NAIRU/NRU with something fundamentally different
and effective. 

Here comes the broken record part: all this talk about inflation and wages
and social wages and social safety nets goes around in circles. It is way of
talking founded on the false claim that exchange relations are central to
economic life. It's not necessary to accept such a dogma, nor is it
particularly unheard of to explicitly reject the dogma. Marx did a credible
job of rejecting it in Chapter 1 of Capital -- you know, the bit about the
commodity fetish making relations between people appear as if they are
relations between things. But if you want to insist that economic relations
are relations between things and not people (and I'm not saying that you,
Paul, are insisting any such thing), then NAIRU/NRU is probably as good a
way as any to explain such a fetishized economy. (I wouldn't say for certain
because I don't want to get bogged down in metaphysics).

How do you move away from talking fetish about inflation, wages, supply,
demand, etc.? Well, you can look at the relations of production (I'm not
coining a phrase here, y'know) and the production of surplus value. Here we
find, or Marx finds, an astonishing peculiarity of capitalism: that labour
power is the only commodity whose use value produces value. No matter how
you slice it, at this point in the analysis the focus has to shift from
VALUE (which, at any rate, is always relative) to TIME which is the stuff in
which life is lived OR NOT LIVED. In other words, the "class struggle" can
only ever be about control over the disposal of the workers' TIME. 



I beg to differ with Tom Walker but not with the basic point he
makes -- that there is a need to modify, change, update etc. our
institutions to keep up with social and technological change. If
he looks carefully at what I said,however, it was to emphasize that
the verticle Phillips curve acceptance (and the causes for it) clears
the way for the neo-lib agenda which, in the absenc e of alternative
institutional change only serves to hurt labour for the benefit of
capital.  Unfortunately for Tom's position, the Nairu/NRU analysis
is based on neo-lib assumptions which makes favourable institutional
change outside the pall of acceptable policy solutions.

Paul Phillips,
Economics,
University of Manitoba
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:8567] What is UNEMPLOYMENT?

1997-02-11 Thread Tom Walker

Let's not be fooled by the contentiousness of the prefixes. Who can argue
with the neo-liberals' "natural rate" or "non-accelerating inflation rate"
of unemployment after conceding the self-evidence of the term
"unemployment". And in case Doug Henwood thinks this is an attack on the
stinking hyena bourgeois statistics from the BLS, it's not. It's just to say
there is no way to get from those stinking hyena statistics to the
qualitative differences between, say, varieties of employment and unemployment. 

To use a very U.S. example, is it a "good thing" that the unemployment rate
is lower than it would be if so many black men were not imprisoned? Or, lets
take two societies, each with 20 people in their labour forces. In one of
the societies, 18 people are at work 35-40 hours a week at trades and
professions and two people are receiving full pay while on temporary layoff:
unemployment rate 10%. In the other society, three people are working 50-60
hours a week in trades and professions, another two are working that many
hours in sweatshops, five people are working 35-40 hours a week in trades
and profession, another three 35-40 hours in sweatshops, four are working
10-20 hours in convenience stores, three people work on call and their hours
vary from week to week and two people have been out of work for the past two
years and no longer qualify for unemployment benefits, some of the people
working long hours would like to work less and some of the people working
short hours would like to work more, there are also one or two people who
used to be unemployed but have given up looking for work: unemployment rate 10%.

"Obviously" the unemployment rate of the two societies is the "same" with or
without theories relating unemployment to inflation. Of course, anyone can
readily see that my second example greatly simplifies the picture of
occupations and hours of work. So, what could a *RATE* of unemployment
*possibly* mean, "natural" or otherwise?

Compared with "the unemployment rate", measuring I.Q. is about as
straight-forward as weighing a pound of butter.

 
Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10457] Re: more planning and democracy

1997-05-31 Thread Tom Walker

Max Sawicky wrote,

A "residue of ambiguity" would not qualify in my 
book as an Achilles heel for planning.  Such
problems proliferate under capitalism with no
apparent disabling results.

Agreed. That is, with "no apparent disabling results" aside from the
corruptibility of institutions. Ellsberg described why this might be so --
although not in such perjorative terms. 

In his analysis, the heightened ambiguity of any departure from current
strategy leads to an inherent conservativism of decision making even when
current strategies are known to have a high risk of failure. Proverbially,
this effect is referred to as "better the devil we know than the devil we
don't know" or the bureaucratic (social democratic?) maxim that it is better
to fail conventionally than to succeed unconventionally.

People could mediate in a planning structure.
You're driving me to the other side of this 
argument.

I agree that people could mediate in a planning structure. It's quite
possible I might be trying to drive you to the other side of this argument
-- first by agreeing with you, then by pointing out an aspect of "our"
mutual position that you find uncomfortable. It's my contention that neither
"side" can take comfort in the mechanics of their own arguments. As I keep
repeating and repeating "Only in mediocre art does life unfold as fate."

I take it that you reject both comprehensive plans and free markets as
idealizations and in this regard I agree with you. What's not clear is
whether you then consider some mix of regulation and market allocation as
adequate. I don't.

I come back to the premise that the problem is 
not precision in information but the diverse 
individual motives underlying the transmission, 
processing of information, as well as the 
construction and implementation of instructions 
from third parties (e.g., the planners). 

So it's definitely the egg then that comes first? Or are you saying it's the
chicken? Look, Max, individuals don't drop from the sky; their diverse
motives are as much an outcome of the characteristics of language (including
information) as they are an input to the system. This is an idea so trite
that even that famous pomo-tista, Sir Winston Churchill, used it: "We make
our buildings, then our buildings make us."

We also make our utopias and our utopias make us.


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10451] Re: bio-determinism

1997-05-30 Thread Tom Walker

Terry McDonough wrote:

No matter how long you 
try you cannot deduce evolutionary biology from the principles of 
chemistry, even if it is evident that biology cannot be inconsistent 
with chemistry.

Wojtek Sokolowski replied,

I do not want to be a contrarian, but I do not buy the ireducability
argument.  That argument would hold only if the universe we study was neatly
divided into compartments corresponding to the respective discipline.

I don't want to contradict a non-contrarian, BUT . . . the reason the
irreducibility argument does hold is precisely because the _disciplines_
(and not the universe) are "neatly divided into compartments correponding to
the respective disciplines". 

Perhaps "in theory" a unified natural science would be possible but such a
unified science would have to start from a different place than our sciences
have started from. Whether or not our sciences could ever discover such a
starting point for a unified science is completely a matter for speculation.

See Heisenberg, "uncertainty" and Archimedes, "point".


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10423] Re: more planning and democracy

1997-05-29 Thread Tom Walker

Max wrote,

Really, is this post some kind of Sokal-type snare for 
POMO-tistas?  They should thank me for alerting them.

The snare's there, but not in the post. Just because there's a radical
separation between language and reality doesn't mean there's no reality or
even that reality is "unknowable". The snare is in the presumed dichotomy
that *either* our ideas and language can perfectly correspond with reality
or the relationship must be entirely arbitrary. But there's a third
possibility, which just happens to be a fairly classical position -- in any
*meaningful* information, there is an irreducible residue of ambiguity. If
anything, I'd call that Cartesian rather than POMO-tista.

If what you said made any sense, no organization could
function.  Clearly they do, so you didn't.

Not at all. No organization could function with an imperative for completely
accurate information. I taught a course in project management in which the
greatest anxiety among students is about having to "make up" some of the
information they report. Same thing when I was collecting statistics from
school principals: "How do I fill this in?" You just have to guess. "How do
I know what to guess?" You just have to guess and so on.

I'll grant that if what I said made any sense, no organization could
function "all by itself" that is *without people to mediate the ambiguity*.
So, yes, "artificial intelligence" is a crock.



Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10415] Re: more planning and democracy

1997-05-29 Thread Tom Walker

Max wrote,

The problem is getting accurate information and
having the plan's instructions carried out without the eye
and hand of God behind every economic agent.

May I add that this is a problem for which there _cannot_ be a solution
because it is rooted in the contingent relationship between language and
reality. In order to be of any use whatsoever, language has to abstract,
generalize, metaphorize and dissemble in myriad other ways. Without its
dissembling features, language adds nothing to pointing. "Accurate
information" is a sly oxymoron.

By contrast, reality is ruthlessly particular. There are NO categories or
averages in reality -- just precisely THIS and precisely THAT. God is an
ancient attempt to conceptualize the tension between word and world -- an
attempt that remains unsurpassed, although I suspect that the dictatorship
of the proletariat is a worthy candidate for updating it. Consider the two
following propositions:

"In the beginning was the word . . ."

"Reflection on the forms of human life, hence also scientific analysis of
those forms, takes a course directly opposite to their real development."

Superficially these two statements are "opposites" because they place word
and world in a different order of priority. But their opposition arises from
a deeper agreement about the radical separation of word and world. Viewed
phenomenologically, rather than ontologically, the propositions are also in
agreement.

It's one thing to recognize the radical separation of word and world and
another to try to "overcome" it. The latter leads to magic, alchemy,
allegory, literalism, solipsism, scientism and fundamentalism -- exactly
what the Faust tale is all about. To paraphrase Goethe's last words, "More
Goethe!"


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10406] Re: (Fwd) ROBERTS' RULES: Brigham City Hoax (fwd)

1997-05-29 Thread Tom Walker

FUROR ERUPTS IN BRIGHAM CITY SCHOOLS
.. . .
IT'S A HOAX.

Ye! and I figgered it out all by myself. Now watch for the story to crop
up on PEN-L every six months or so for the next seven years. By the way, did
you hear the one about the kidney thieves operating in New Orleans . . . 


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10395] Re: The Farmer in the Dell

1997-05-29 Thread Tom Walker

Either,

1. This is an urban legend;
2. This is a parody of homophobic hysteria; or
3. The parents *real* objection is that the farmer takes *only one* wife.

The issue arose after scores of parents complained that children in the 
kindergarten class at Brigham Elementary were being led in a game which 
mimicked same-sex marriages.  At issue was the game "The Farmer in the
Dell."

Renee Mott, the accused kindergarten teacher, explained: "The class is 
way over-balanced with girls.  I mean, we have lots more girls than
boys. 
Sometimes it just happens that way, it's just chance.  So when we play 
Farmer in the Dell, sometimes I let a girl go first, so that everybody 
gets a turn."

The problem arises with the next line of the children's song: "the
farmer 
takes a wife." The girl-farmer would often choose another little girl to 
join her in the circle as the "farmer's wife."


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10390] Re: Umbrage

1997-05-28 Thread Tom Walker

Paul Phillips and I could go back and forth to no avail -- "yes it is", "no
it isn't" -- about whether the Alexa quote I submitted is "good social
democratic stuff". Or we could just agree to disagree. On a positive note,
I'm pleased to see the NDP's statement on the MAI (as far as it goes) even
though there's nothing in it that's particularly "social democratic". One
doesn't have to be a socialist or even a social democrat to be against
secret deals and special privileges.

I don't object to the NDP for "not being a socialist". If anything, I object
to the NDP not being sufficiently confident in their social democratic
principles to run on them and not being sufficiently coherent to get them
across to a broader public than their die-hard constituency. But I should be
clear that "not being confident enough" is a dilemma that I see as endemic
to social democracy. Give me a social democratic party that will campaign
and govern on social democratic principles and I'd be happy. In my view
that's like saying "give me a steak that will cut itself off the steer and
barbeque itself." 

When I listen to the NDP (or anyone for that matter, self excluded), I
listen with two ears. With one ear I hear what I think they're saying in the
context of what I know about their philosophy, history, platform etc., etc.
With the other ear I try to hear what the "non-literati" hear -- just the
words spoken against a much hazier backdrop of mainstream framing of issues.
In p.r. jargon it's called a "communication audit".

Noam Chomsky can gripe all he wants about the New York Times, he still gets
his message across. Whether through repetition, careful exposition of his
argument, exhaustive documentation or sheer doggedness, Chomsky gets his
message across.

I know that you (Paul) know what the NDP message is. I think I know what it
is. But when I listen to the NDP, I don't hear their message. I hear
excuses, I hear indignation, sometimes I even hear a kind of
self-congratulatory tone as if being marginalized was vindication enough of
moral superiority ("the meek shall inherit the earth.") BUT I DON'T HEAR
THEIR MESSAGE.

Paul asked,

What I asked of you was what would you campaign credibly
on that you think wouldbring about a socialist society?

I'll stick to what I know -- even though it might sound like I have an ax to
grind -- reducing work time and redistributing work. It's an issue that
wouldn't necessarily bring about a socialist society, but without it I see
little prospects for significant progressive social change of any kind. It's
an issue people are passionate about, that the NDP has a clearly defined
position on but that the NDP seems reluctant to raise forcefully -- perhaps
for fear that people "aren't ready" for it?  

Saturday I was doing a "community day" table for shorter work time at the
public library. All day long we had people coming up to us saying how glad
they were somebody was raising the issue of the need to redistribute work.
In the afternoon, several people who had just come from an all-candidates
meeting remarked on how frustrated they were that no one seemed to be
addressing the issue of unemployment creatively, "_this_ is what they should
be talking about" they told us (including one delightful 80-year old
grandmother wearing a HUGE Dawn Black (NDP) button).

Redistributing work is in the NDP platform. I've also heard several NDP
candidates address the issue. For example, Svend Robinson, appearing on
Cross-country Checkup responded to a very articulate question on the issue
by saying "It's in our platform and we support it." End of answer. During
the leader's debates, Alexa McDonough made an allusion to redistributing
work that was so vague and indirect that, unless you already knew it was in
the platform and already knew all the code words, you would've had to read
her mind to have any idea at all what she was talking about.

I suspect that what makes the NDP nervous about pushing this issue is not
that it is a socialist issue but that it is a nascent "movement issue".
Movement issues can upset the internal balance of an organization -- bring
in all sorts of "outsiders" who aren't house-broken to the party culture. 

Let's be honest, there are heeps of needy, alienated people rattling around
hungering for a cause to attach themselves to (and receive validation from)
and it can be safer in these perilous times to maintain a certain veneer of
institutional imperviousness. The litmus test of this outsider anxiety is
the question "who are you with?" On a political scale the equivalent
question is "how can the party appeal to a larger number of people who are
just like us."

It seems to me that's the question the NDP keeps asking itself.


Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^^

[PEN-L:10216] Re: influence? -Reply

1997-05-19 Thread Tom Walker

Doug Henwood wrote that his reading of employment-GDP numbers confirmed the
ILO's assertion that "the main problem in countries with high unemployment
is slow growth, not a change in the employment intensity of growth."

Doug's brackets -- whether growth in itself is good or sustainable -- could
be expanded to include the issue of whether higher rates of growth would
themselves necessarily contribute _correspondingly_ to employment growth.
This is the tacit assumption behind the ILO argument. Isn't the ILO
position, then, basically the mirror image of the central banker's dogma
that too fast a rate of growth will set off an inflationary spiral?

The problem is that "extrapolating from trends" is fraught with
difficulties, especially when those trends are used to describe phenomena
that far more complex than the trends. "Growth" -- as Doug's brackets
indicate -- is an enigma. But so is "employment". At the very least,
employment needs to be thought of in terms of a dual labour market -- core
and periphery. And even that is a brutal simplification.

The danger of an ILO type argument is that while disputing the banker's
prescription, it concedes a metaphor of the economy as some sort of
hydraulic pump outside and above the lives of those whose livelihoods
circulate through its valves. It reminds me of the joke about a man
propositioning a woman by asking her if she'd sleep with him for a million
dollars. The "slow growth" argument accepts the proposition and is only
haggling about the price.


Regards, 

Tom Walker
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[PEN-L:10198] Re: The EU: against wishful thinking

1997-05-18 Thread Tom Walker

In reply to my comments, Bill Burgess wrote,

If we agree that nation states are still important, isn't it important
to also identify exactly who has power in them, and specifically whether
domestic or foreign capital predominates? 

Yes, it's important to identify who has power but, since the exercise of
power will have different consequences in different situations, I don't see
the need -- or even in many cases the feasibility -- for exact calculation
of the domesticity or otherwise of capital. At any rate, I'd be hard pressed
to see Conrad Black as somehow more benign that, say, the Body Shop just
because he's Canadian, eh?

Not long waves, but the notion that there are longish periods of growth
and then stagnation, and that the shift from one to the other is the
backdrop for increased capitalist "aggression" (rather than growth in
foreign penetration, globalized production, etc.)

I do accept the notion of longish periods of growth and stagnation -- even
long waves -- with the qualification that the factors contributing to any
particular period of growth or decline are unique to that period and only
identifiable after the fact. In other words, I think long waves or periods
have enormous descriptive and heuristic value and are virtually worthless
for prediction. 

What follows should not be construed as an argument against anything Bill
said, but as more general thoughts on the issue of productivity raised by
Bill's comments and earlier by Dean Baker's article.

More important than whether productivity growth and/or real profits have
stagnated or boomed is the fact that "productivity" has come to mean
something different. Instead of being seen as an index of performance,
productivity growth has come to be seen as a litmus test for policy
prescription -- perhaps the ultimate litmus test. It may seem like a subtle
difference, but it's the difference between keeping score and gatekeeping.
(A parallel is the controversy over the CPI, or for that matter the GDP).

What gets especially lost in this shift from index to litmus test is any
acknowledgement that "productivity growth" is a somewhat arbitrary
measurement of relationships that ultimately can't be measured (because the
changes are qualitative as well as quantitative). The fact that the
measurement may show stable trends over a long period of time is no
guarantee that "the same thing" is being measured over the course of that
period.

Still on the topic of productivity growth, I'm looking at two documents: one
a 1962 pamphlet from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce; the other a newspaper
column written last month by Fraser Institute economist Michael Walker (the
Fraser is the local "free enterprise" think tank). The notion of
"productivity" plays a central role in both documents. And the view of
productivity hasn't changed one iota in 35 years. So much for the "neo" in
neo-liberalism. 

For both authors, increases in productivity result from actions by
capitalists (investment in new technology) and passivity by workers (not
resisting the new technology, refraining from demanding too great a share of
the proceeds). At most, raising productivity requires an "active passivity"
from workers: adapting to the new technology, retraining to acquire the
appropriate skills.
 
Such a view of productivity would be laughable, if it wasn't for the fact
that it goes largely uncontested by the left. The left generally shares a
reified view of productivity in which measures of output per worker hour can
be taken as an index of productivity and in which "class struggle" at the
point of production is reflected in worker resistance to automation and
speed-up.

I'm afraid that factoring in a "whole whack of unproductive labour" does
nothing to challenge the ideological equation of capital=active,
worker=passive. And I'm guessing that by unproductive, Mosely is referring
to the production of surplus value. Under such a distinction, a teacher
would be unproductive if employed in the public education system yet
productive if employed by a profit-oriented private academy.

I suspect that what is at the heart of the reification of productivity, is a
unexamined belief that "science and technology" is some kind of eternal,
self-perpetuating realm that acts on production processes without itself
being acted upon. 'Belief' is probably too strong a word for what might
better be described as avoidance of an issue that's exceedingly ambiguous.

The importance of passivity and of an unmoved mover in the reified notion of
productivity should be a more than sufficient clue that we're dealing with
theological positions and not empirical analysis. Not only is it theology,
it's _bad_ theology. Perhaps it would be more useful to counter bad theology
with better theology than to try to answer it with more refined empirical
analysis.


Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^^

[PEN-L:10191] Re: The EU: against wishful thinking

1997-05-18 Thread Tom Walker

Bill Burgess wrote,

 . . . I don't see the *significant*
difference implied by a position that replaces a traditional
committment to internationalism with a position where nationalist measures
are now seen as central to protecting working class interests (which I
understand to be your opinion).

I won't speak for Sid, but the above isn't how I understand Sid's position.
At any rate, I think it's too easy to confuse terms like "internationalism"
and "nationalism" as if they were opposites or alternatives. I don't see any
inconsistency in strategically pursuing a "commitment to internationalism"
by acting within the context of national policies and national
organizations. Specifically, on the issue of the regulating trade and
investment, I don't see any alternative at the present time. This is how it
was under "good old capitalism" and it's really no different now.

What I see Sid as arguing against is the kind of doomsday/pollyanna scenario
that tells everyone to abandon hope of seeking more progressive (or less
regressive) policies from national governments because, after all, "their
hands are tied, all the power is now global". The complement is a kind of
wishful thinking that the emerging supra-national institutions of capitalism
can somehow be made more responsive to working class needs, if only we'd
stop diddling around at the national level. And that's such an abstract
position, I can't even imagine what it could mean practically -- meditation?
levitation?

I'm not saying the supra-national institutions are impervious to pressure,
just that the _main_ way to put pressure on them is to put pressure on the
national governments that accede to them. By the way, remember the good old
days when we could use the word "imperialism" and even "U.S. imperialism"
with impunity?" I remember tortured debates on the left about what the
nature of the Canadian state was -- whether Canada was a "sub-imperialist
power" or a "colonized nation", whether or not to lend comfort to "petit
bourgeois nationalism", etc. As an American draft dodger, the arguments
seemed sort of academic to me, mainly because I couldn't see any point to
answering such questions "decisively". Even the "nation-state" is to some
degree an abstraction. 

Bill Burgess also asked,

What do you see as the main difference? Is it not that in the golden age
Capital could afford some concessions whereas since about the mid 1970s
labour productivity growth and real profitability have been stagnant, and
so Capital has had to become more aggressive ("brutal", as Bill R. put
it)?

This is a provocative way of putting the question -- that capital can no
longer "afford" keynesian welfare state concessions. I suspect that long
waves are lurking somewhere in the background of this question and that the
stagnant labour productivity growth and real profitability have as much to
do with Ernest Mandel as they do with time series data (Doug Henwood are you
there?).

On Monday, May 12, Jim Devine posted an analysis from Dean Baker of the
Economic Policy Institute talking about the profit boom and I quote the
first two paragraphs:

Corporate profit rates reached a new peak in 1996 and are now at their
highest level since these data were first collected in 1959. The Bureau of
Economic Analysis reports that the before-tax profit rate rose to 11.39%
last year, up from 10.78% in 1995, and the after-tax rate rose to 7.57%, up
from 7.01%. The previous peak rate for before-tax profits was 11.29% in
1966, and the previous peak for after-tax profits was 7.03% in 1994. 

The rise in profit rates is even more dramatic when compared to the
profit peak of the last business cycle in 1988. In that year, the
before-tax profit rate was just 7.29% and the after-tax rate 4.96%. Thus,
the 1996 numbers imply increases of more than 50% in both rates in just an
eight-year period. In no previous period in U.S. history have profit rates
experienced such a rapid sustained rise, although other countries in the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have
experienced a similar increase in profit rates over this period.

Granted, a swallow does not a summer make. But capital does seem to be on a
bit of a roll these days. Does that mean the aggression is working? And if
so, does its success imply that some day capital will again be able to
"afford" concessions? I think not. Does it mean that we have entered the
upswing of a long wave -- a new "golden age"? I doubt it.

My skepticism arises from the fact that "productivity" has become as
politicized and manipulated a term as "economic growth" already was in the
1960s. As for capital's "aggression", it seems to me that in North America,
at least, the aggression has been of a singularly flaccid variety. If a
strong movement of working class resistance to neo-liberalism were to
emerge, neo-liberalism would flee like Mobutu from Kinshasa.







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